Implementing ICT Policy for the Benefit of Africans – A 2025 Perspective

This blog revisits my 2012 thoughts on ICT policy in Africa, originally shared in an application to the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) for the role of African ICT Policy Advocacy Coordinator. The issues are still urgent today—perhaps more than ever—as we move deeper into the digital age.

a) Why ICT Policy Still Demands Critical Attention in Africa

In 2025, the digital divide has become one of the most prominent forms of global inequality. While some African countries have made major strides—like Rwanda with its Smart Africa initiatives and Kenya’s digital economy push—many regions still lack basic access to reliable internet and digital infrastructure.

ICT policy isn’t just about internet connections. It’s about inclusion, education, governance, and innovation. It’s about ensuring that a farmer in rural Zambia, a student in Namibia, or a tech entrepreneur in Lagos all have equitable access to the digital tools needed to participate in the global economy.

In the same way that “Vorsprung durch Technik” implies progress through not just tools, but technique, Africa must focus on mastering digital skills alongside deploying infrastructure. This includes policy frameworks that nurture digital literacy, data privacy, access to AI and machine learning technologies, and inclusive e-governance.

b) Key Areas for Near-Future Intervention

1. Digital Literacy at the Foundation Level: We must integrate coding, media literacy, and critical internet skills into early education across the continent. In 2025, knowing how to code or use AI tools is as important as knowing how to read or write.

2. Decentralized Digital Infrastructure: Policies must support community-led internet initiatives like mesh networks and public access points, especially in under-served rural areas. An example is South Africa’s Zenzeleni Networks, a community-owned ISP.

3. Youth-Led ICT Action Groups (IAGs): I renew my call for ICT Action Groups reporting to high levels of government—perhaps directly to parliament or a digital cabinet ministry. These should be staffed by digitally fluent youth, including gamers, app developers, and online content creators.

4. AI and Data Governance: As generative AI tools (like ChatGPT or Sora) become more influential, African governments must build capacity to regulate AI ethics, protect data sovereignty, and support the use of local languages in AI development.

5. Content Creation and Digital Sovereignty: Promote African content on platforms like YouTube, TikTok, and X (formerly Twitter). Nigeria’s AltSchool Africa and Kenya’s iHub show how local innovation ecosystems can thrive with the right support.

6. National Open Data Platforms: Governments must open data sets to the public while ensuring privacy. Namibia’s planned National Digital Strategy is a step in this direction.

c) The Internet and Human Rights in 2025

Access to the internet is now widely recognized as a fundamental human right. The United Nations has reiterated this in numerous resolutions, including the 2021 UNHRC Resolution on the promotion, protection, and enjoyment of human rights on the internet.

Yet, millions in Africa remain excluded from these rights due to limited access or lack of digital education. We must rethink “the right to education” (as per Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights) to include digital literacy and access to ICT—as essential as libraries, housing, and water.

In 2025, “reading, writing, and arithmetic” must now include code, collaboration, and critical thinking online. It is imperative that governments commit to:

“Developing the digital tools and systems to support the inclusive management of our countries—government, civil society, and the private sector—in delivering access to services and technologies that enable a high quality of life for all residents.”

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Examples of Today’s Political ICT Action Groups

Several movements and political initiatives today reflect the ideas I envisioned in 2012:

• Kenya’s Ajira Digital Programme – Led by the Ministry of ICT to equip youth with digital skills for freelance jobs.

• Rwanda’s YouthConnekt – A platform empowering young people through ICT innovation and leadership.

• Smart Africa Alliance – A coalition of 39 African countries aiming to accelerate digital transformation across the continent, backed by heads of state.

• Namibia’s Fourth Industrial Revolution Taskforce – Which advises the presidency on AI, robotics, and digital infrastructure.

• DA’s Shadow Cabinet (South Africa) – Includes digital portfolios with a youth-oriented digital transformation strategy.

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We are at a digital crossroads. With the right policies, Africa doesn’t need to play catch-up—it can lead.

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“The Waters of Erongo” by Frederick Cornel translated by AI into Afrikaans

Noordoos van Swakopmund, naby die spoorlyn wat kopererts van Otavi af vervoer en waar die klein stasie Omaruru lê, styg ’n groep indrukwekkende tafelbergmassiewe uit die vlakte op. Destyds het hulle bekend gestaan as die Erongo-berge, vernoem na ’n bekende leier van die ǂGãinîn-Boesmans wat jare gelede sy laaste stand teen die binnetrekkende Damara gemaak het – ’n stryd wat hy en sy mense uiteindelik verloor het.

Selfs in ’n land waar baie berge plat koppe het, staan die Erongo uit. Niemand het dit ooit reggekry om tot bo te klim nie. Van onder af kan jy die digte plantegroei sien wat die onbereikbare top bedek, en op verskeie plekke stort watervalle teen die steil kranse af – asof die berg trane stort vir die verlede.

Daardie berg het my nog altyd fassineer. In die ou dae, nog voor die spoorlyn, het ons ons trekdiere by dié strome laat drink. Ek het ’n paar keer probeer klim – net om uit te vind hoe dit daar bo lyk. Maar ek het nooit naby gekom nie. Die laaste duisend voet is amper reguit krans. Jy sal ’n professionele rotsklimmer moet wees.

Op een van my laaste reise uit Kaokoland het ek en my ou ossewa net onder Erongo kamp opgeslaan. Ek onthou dit goed – die son het die rotse eers goud, toe rooi, toe pers en uiteindelik koue grys laat skyn. My hart was rustig. Ek het geweet: huis is naby.

My kok was ’n ou Engelse man, Jim Blake, wat jare gelede van sy skip in Walvisbaai af ontsnap het. Hy het Namibië beter geken as meeste, maar sy dik Cockney-aksent het altyd gebly. Jim was ’n moeilike ou met ’n groot mond en een irriterende gewoonte – hy het altyd gesê: “Jy weet nie alles nie, al dink jy jy doen.”

Daardie aand toe die osse klaar gedrink het, het ons langs die vuur gesit. Jim het opgedaag – vars gewas vir die eerste keer in weke. Sy vel was amper blink.

“Mooi, né?” het hy gesê.

“Pragtig,” het ek geantwoord. “Dis seker die mooiste berg in Afrika. Ek wonder nog altyd wat daar bo is. Maar niemand het dit al ooit uitgeklim nie.”

Jim trek sy wenkbroue op. “Jy weet nie alles nie, baas. Ek wás al bo.”

Ek lag. “Rubbish, Jim.”

Maar hy hou voet by stuk. “Ek sweer. Ek was daar. En dis nie net rots daar bo nie. Dis ’n wêreld – met gras, bome, vrugte, vlinders… En die fontein. Die bron self.”

Toe vertel hy my die storie. Hoe hy jare gelede saam met ’n snaakse professor en twee prospekteerders hier gekamp het. Die professor was obsessief oor jeug. Hy het elke dag gebad, geëet volgens reëls en elke grys haar probeer wegsteek. En toe kry hy malaria. Vir ’n paar dae was hy uitgeput, ongeskeer en oud.

Maar toe hy die Erongo sien, het hy opgewonde geraak: “Dis dalk die plek! Die fontein van jeug!”

Elke dag het hy hoër gestap, al verder teen die stroom op. Tot hy eendag verdwyn. Jim het hom opgespoor by die groot waterval – en kon hom skaars herken. Die ou man het soos ’n jongman gelyk. Energiek, sterk, met ’n blink gesig en helder oë.

Die professor het daarop aangedring dat Jim saam bad. “Dis die Bron van Lewe!” het hy geskree. “Kom! Word jonk! Bly hier saam met my!”

Maar Jim het nie. “Geen bier. Geen tabak. Geen vrouens – net waternimfe wat jou bespied? Nee dankie.”

Die professor was woedend. Maar uiteindelik het hy belowe om Jim weer af te dra. “Jy sal spyt wees,” het hy gesê.

En hy is nooit weer gesien nie. Niemand het hom geglo nie – hulle het gerapporteer dat hy dood is. Maar Jim glo anders. “Kyk daai rook daar bo,” het hy gesê. “Dis hy. Jy dink jy weet alles – maar jy weet nie.”

Die Waters van Erongo

In die droë vlaktes van Namibië, waar die Erongo-berge soos ou wagte oor die land waak, het die mense lankal begin vergeet van die spesiale water wat eens hul dorpe laat blom het.

Die water was nie net nat nie – dit was wysheid, geregtigheid en hoop. Dit het gevloei uit die harte van leiers wat vir die mense omgegee het, nie net vir hulself nie.

Maar toe het iets verander.

Die pype is begin buig na plekke waar net ’n paar mense toegang gehad het. Die water is verkoop aan die hoogste bieër. Die fonteine het stil geword in die dorpe waar kinders gespeel het en oumas stories vertel het.

Die mense het dorstig geword – nie net na water nie, maar na waarheid, na eerlikheid, na hoop.

En toe kom daar ’n jong vrou. Nie van adel nie, nie van geld nie – maar met ’n stem wat helder soos ’n fontein klank.

Sy het gepraat van ’n nuwe bron – nie een van korrupsie en vrees nie, maar een van eenheid. Sy het mense gevra om saam te werk, om terug te vat wat regverdig hulne is: die Water van Erongo.

Nie almal het haar geglo nie. Sommige het gelag. Ander was bang. Maar die kinders het geluister. Die werkers het begin droom. En van die berge tot by die duine het die ou lied van die water weer begin fluister.

“Waar daar geregtigheid is, daar vloei die water.”

 

Die Onafhanklike Kandidaat en die Dier van Ongelykheid

In ’n land van wye vlaktes en droë winde, het die mense lank gesukkel onder ’n regering wat net vir ’n paar gewerk het. Die gewone mense het harder en harder gewerk, maar het min gesien vir hul moeite. Intussen het die rykes en magtiges elke dag meer gekry.

Toe, op ’n dag, het ’n nuwe stem begin praat – nie uit ’n paleis of ’n groot kantoor nie, maar uit die strate en markplekke. Hierdie stem het aan die mense gesê: “Ek is net soos julle. Ek verstaan julle pyn. Ek is ’n onafhanklike kandidaat, en ek is hier om ’n verskil te maak.”

Die dier van ongelykheid – ’n groot, vet en selfvoldane dier – het probeer lag. “Niemand het al ooit vir my gekeer nie,” het hy gesê. “Ek groei van die verdeeldheid tussen mense. Ek floreer as net ’n paar ryk word en die res niks kry nie.”

Maar die onafhanklike kandidaat het nie teruggestaan nie. Hy het nie met geld of beloftes gekom nie – net met eerlikheid en ’n plan wat almal kon verstaan. Hy het gepraat oor skole wat werk, hospitale wat sorg, en werk wat vir almal betekenis het.

Die mense het begin luister. Eers stil-stil, toe harder. Hulle het begin hoop.

En toe het iets gebeur. Die dier van ongelykheid het begin krimp. Met elke nuwe stem wat sê “ek kies anders,” het hy kleiner geword. Stadig, maar seker, het mense begin saamwerk om ’n nuwe toekoms te bou.

Die onafhanklike kandidaat het dalk nie al die antwoorde gehad nie, maar hy het die regte vraag gevra: “Wat as ons saam werk?”

“The Waters of Erongo” by Frederick Cornel translated by AI into Oshiwambo

Omeva Yomutumba gwaErongo (Modern Version)

Omuholike:

Otandi ku lombwele kombinga yomulonga ogwa li pombepo lyomutumba gwaErongo.

Taya lombwela ombepo yoondjokonona, yomayele, neenghono.

Omutumba gwa li na omeya ogu otaya lombwela oya na omayele gokulongifa shili – otaya pula omulilo momeya ngoka. Onda popya naKatjikuru Jim, omukwahepo gwa ko Swakopmund. Katjikuru Jim omu na iha ningi. Omu na omayele. Nando osho a lombwela:

“Ame iha shi shi oshi shi shi shi…ngele shi shi shi shi shi shi shi.”

Onda hala oku holoka, ndee Jim a hokolola:

“You don’t know everything… if you think you do.”

Katjikuru Jim ta lombwela oshinima shokusimbula. Ayehe, a pula kombinga yomulonga ogu ya li moKatutura konima yomutumba.

Omu na okashona kamwe. Omuprofesa. Omuhepa noyakadhila, omuntu ngoka ta lombwele:

“I must stay young. Clean living. Or… maybe something more.”

Okashona taya hala oku pula okukala omupyakadhi. Ta li oshipopiwa: ta lwala, ta pula okushongwa.

Taya ti: omeya ogu– omeya gomutumba gwaErongo – owa mu ponokela.

Mbo, a londa omeya ngoka. A tameka okukala ta paka momeya ngoka. Uupi. Oshishi.

Ta tameka oku tala ngaashi omupyakadhi. Oshimpwiyu shoka osha lilile moKatjikuru Jim.

Jim ta popi:

“Nande. Omu li iha ningi. Kapena omeya ogu owa li na oshipwepo.”

“Nope,” omuprofesa ta popi. “This is it. I’m young again. I’m immortal!”

Katjikuru Jim ta lombwela oshowo ngaashi a yandja koshilalo.

Ta ka fike po komutumba gwoshinima. Omeya ogu tava fimbwa ngaashi Fanta. Onda lombwele!

Omuprofesa ta ti:

“Come, Jim. Washepo. You’ll live forever.”

Jim ta li:

“Kandi hole. Kapena omeya ogu oku fa. Ngoka oshi li nokulongifa shili.”

Omuprofesa ha tamele po. Nande a vulu oku uvuwa. Omeya ogu okwa mu ka.

Jim ta puka. Ngoka a li nokulongifa shili.

Omwa li meho.

Omeya ogu owa li mo.

Nando… oya li mo?

“You don’t know everything… if you think you do.”

Namibian Rights. What about Namibian Responsibilities?

Updated 2025-02-12 17:45

Every year on the 9th of February, Namibia celebrates Constitution Day — a day to honour the supreme law that lays the foundation of our democratic state. It is a day to remind ourselves of the rights and freedoms enshrined in this living document — rights fought for, earned through struggle, and promised to all who call Namibia home.

But as the flags wave and the speeches echo with pride, I find myself wrestling with a question that grows louder each year:

Have we become a nation that celebrates rights more than we live out responsibilities?

Our Constitution guarantees us many things — dignity, freedom, equality, privacy, and protection. But for each right we hold, there is an equal and essential duty. Rights do not exist in a vacuum. They demand action, discipline, compassion, and above all, responsibility.

What follows is not just a reflection, but a reminder: if we want a better Namibia, we must stop thinking of citizenship as a set of entitlements — and start seeing it as a daily commitment to the common good.

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What Does It Mean to Be a Good Citizen?

To be a good citizen is to live in such a way that your rights empower others, not just yourself. It means:

• Recognising that your rights end where another person’s begin.

• Thinking freely, but acting responsibly.

• Creating value — for yourself, your family, and your community.

• Understanding that financial independence is a form of national service:

  “To produce wealth by labour and only by labour, and to spend less than you have produced, so that your children are not dependent on the state when you are no more.”

• Protecting the lives of others through safe, thoughtful actions — on the road, in your home, at work.

• Taking care of your own health through good habits, and not becoming a burden through preventable illnesses.

• Treating service workers with kindness and dignity.

• Questioning working conditions, especially when we benefit from others’ labour.

• Paying fair wages — whether to the person cleaning your office or the one tending your garden.

• Rejecting all forms of discrimination — based on race, gender, religion, ethnicity, or social class.

• Respecting other people’s property, privacy, and boundaries — both physical and digital.

• Building strong families rooted in love, respect, and responsibility.

• Honouring your parents, supporting your elders, and strengthening family ties.

• Seeing every child as your own — protecting, educating, and listening to them.

• Living as a role model — not by perfection, but by consistently striving to treat others well.

• Providing your children with the financial and emotional support they need to reach their full potential.

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Constitutional Rights — and the Responsibilities They Demand

Let’s walk through some key constitutional rights, and the civic duties they imply for each of us:

Article 6 – Protection of Life

Right: Every Namibian has the right to life.

Responsibility:

• Avoid actions that threaten others — whether through violence, neglect, or reckless behaviour.

• Speak out and act when life is in danger, even if it’s inconvenient.

Article 7 – Protection of Liberty

Right: We are all entitled to freedom and security.

Responsibility:

• Never bully, intimidate, or falsely imprison others.

• Resolve conflict through dialogue, not violence.

Article 8 – Respect for Human Dignity

Right: Every individual is born with inherent dignity.

Responsibility:

• Treat every person — no matter their status — with respect, warmth, and kindness.

Article 9 – Slavery and Forced Labour

Right: No one shall be subjected to forced labour or human trafficking.

Responsibility:

• Refuse to benefit from exploitative labour — in business or at home.

• Promote ethical work conditions and fair compensation.

Article 10 – Equality and Freedom from Discrimination

Right: All Namibians are equal before the law.

Responsibility:

• Actively reject all forms of discrimination.

• Defend the dignity and rights of others — even if their struggle is not your own.

Article 13 – Privacy

Right: Every Namibian has the right to privacy.

Responsibility:

• Respect others’ personal information, correspondence, and choices.

• Avoid gossip, doxxing, or spreading private content without consent.

Article 14 – Family

Right: The family is the cornerstone of society.

Responsibility:

• Build families that nurture, protect, and uplift each member.

• Support not just biological family, but chosen community too.

Article 15 – Children’s Rights

Right: Children are entitled to special protection, education, and care.

Responsibility:

• Ensure that no child is neglected, abused, or deprived of opportunity.

• Raise children to understand their rights and their duties.

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A Closing Thought: Citizenship as a Two-Way Street

Too often, we speak of the Constitution as something that protects us from others — from government, employers, even our neighbours. But we forget that it also calls us toward others — to act, build, and protect the fabric of this nation.

We cannot keep asking, “What am I owed?”

We must also ask, “What do I owe?”

The promise of Namibia depends not just on its laws, but on its people — people who see the beauty in their rights, and the power of their responsibilities.

If you’ve read this far, I invite you to reflect and respond. Let’s keep this conversation going.

Email me at miltonlouw@gmail.com — I’d love to hear your thoughts.

— Milton Louw

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Culture, Racism, and Tribalism in Namibia: A Reflection

Namibia is a land defined by its diversity—and by its determined pursuit of peace and unity. Yet recent remarks about Genocide Day have reminded us that our journey toward full integration is far from over. Tribalism and racism still lurk beneath the surface, even in a country praised for its post-Independence reconciliation. Today, I want to reflect on culture, race, and identity in Namibia—not as academic concepts, but as lived realities that shape our nation.

A Nation of Survivors and Settlers

Most Namibian peoples arrived here under the shadow of hardship—fleeing war, colonization, or systemic oppression. They chose to settle in an arid and unforgiving landscape, forging not only communities but a collective identity grounded in coexistence. For generations, our people have fought not for domination, but for peace and dignity.

That spirit is enshrined in our Constitution, one of the most progressive in the world. The policy of national reconciliation wasn’t just a government initiative—it was an extension of how Namibians have always strived to live: side by side, with tolerance and mutual respect.

An “Institute of Integration”

In a world increasingly defined by social and ethnic conflict, Namibia stands out. Our society is not fractured by religion, language, or race in the way others are. Yes, we recognise our differences, but they do not govern policy or interpersonal relationships.

We should take pride in that. Namibia has the potential to become an “Institute of Integration”—a place where the world can come to learn about coexistence and interdependence, both with each other and with the land we share.

But Let’s Not Pretend Differences Don’t Exist

Yet there’s a dangerous trend I’ve noticed: we’ve gone so far in trying to eliminate tribalism and racism that we now refuse to acknowledge difference at all. Our national census omits data on cultural or tribal affiliation, as if ignoring diversity will somehow unify us. (This has changed with the latest Census in 2024, but figures of how people see themselves according to race are not yet out.)

But denial is not the same as unity. Even South Africa, with its painful legacy of apartheid, embraces the concept of a “rainbow nation.” Recognition of difference, not erasure, is what fosters inclusion.

Namibia outlawed discrimination based on gender, but we still collect gender data to inform policy and promote equity. Why not do the same with race and culture? How else can we monitor progress, identify gaps, and uplift marginalised communities—like the San people, whose cultural representation in education is vital?

The Risk of Cultural Erasure

Lack of cultural recognition has real consequences. Consider the East German children who returned to Namibia after Independence—alienated and disoriented. Or the children of war veterans and, increasingly, AIDS orphans, all seeking not just support, but cultural belonging.

What culture will these young people inherit? Namlish? Football chants? Biltong and braais? There is indeed a shared national culture, but it cannot exist without anchoring in the diverse cultural tapestries that make up Namibia.

Identity as a Tool, Not a Threat

In marketing, we learn that understanding your customer is key. We segment by age, income, gender—and yes, race or ethnicity. Why? Because people’s needs differ, and effective service delivery requires tailored solutions.

Namibia should take a similar approach. Our census must begin to measure the race and cultural identity of residents. Not to divide us, but to help us understand ourselves better. If we want inclusive development, we must be willing to ask hard questions and gather honest data.

Our universities must lead the way—conducting research into the racial, gender, and cultural inequalities that still shape livelihoods. We need to study urban and rural disparities, the dynamics of the informal economy, and the geography of poverty. Only then can we empower our people in a meaningful and equitable way.

The Path Forward

Our goal should never be to deny difference. It should be to understand it, celebrate it, and use that understanding to build a more just and cohesive society. Unity in Namibia cannot mean uniformity. It must mean mutual respect, recognition, and responsibility.

Namibia has come a long way, but true integration means asking: Who is being left behind? Who isn’t being seen? Only then can we fulfil the promise of our reconciliation—and offer the world a real lesson in peaceful coexistence.