Nuwe bedeling vir 'dot com dot na'

http://www.republikein.com.na/die-mark/nuwe-bedeling-vir-dot-com-dot-na.24968.php

Nuwe bedeling vir 'dot com dot na'

1.10.2007

DEELNEMERS aan 'n onlangse beraad oor die administrasie van Namibië se domeinnaam op die web, "dot na", het hulself bankvas geskaar agter die noodsaak vir 'n stelsel wat hierdie nasionale bate op 'n veel doeltreffender wyse sal bestuur.
Klagtes oor 'n "diktatoriale, diskriminerende en disfunksionele" status quo - waaroor koppe al vir jare baie hard stamp - het die Alliansie vir Inligtings- en Kommunikasietegnologie (ICTA) genoop om rolspelers bymekaar te roep om 'n padkaart vir ingrypende verandering op te stel.
Volgens mnr. Milton Louw van ICTA sal die eenparige steun wat by hierdie slypskool vir vernuwing gemonster is, die weg baan vir 'n formele aansoek van regeringskant aan die internasionale Internetkorporasie vir Toegedeelde Name en Nommers (ICANN) dat die registrateurskap vir ".na" uit die hande van dr. Eberhard Lisse geneem word. Lede van die alliansie dink dit is hoog tyd om die sterk persoonlike angel uit 'n rompslompstryd te trek wat volgens mnr. Louw veroorsaak dat meer as 70 persent van nuwe webwerwe wat vandag in Namibië geregistreer word, net die "dot com"-naam eerder as Namibië se eie, unieke webkode dra.
Hy het dr. Lisse se bewering dat hy nie genooi is om sy saak te stel nie verwerp.
Volgens mnr. Louw het mnr. Sackey Shanghala, die persoonlike raadgewer van die Minister van Justisie en Prokureur-generaal, me. Pendukeni Iivula-Ithana, wat aan die stuur van die finalisering van die land se lank verwagte nuwe wet oor inligting en kommunikasie staan, verseker dat die administrasie van Namibië se domeinnaam vervat sal word in hierdie konsepwet, wat volgens plan nog in die huidige sitting van die parlement ter tafel gelê sal word.
Die voorstel is dat die nuwe kommunikasie-owerheid (NCA), wat deur hierdie wet in die lewe geroep sal word, 'n onafhanklike liggaam sal stig wat die administrasie, registrasie en regulering van "dot na" sal hanteer tot 'n wet op elektroniese transaksies ingestel is. Die plan is dat die publiek lede uit die IKT-bedryf, regslui, akademici en burgerlikes sal nomineer om op hierdie raad te dien.
Die beter diens waarop almal in die proses aandring, kan egter nog jare neem om 'n werklikheid te word.
Terwyl 'n mens volgens mnr. Louw met 'n kredietkaart op die internet binne vyf minute vir sowat N$90 'n nuwe webwerf kan registreer as die kliënt tevrede is met net 'n "dot com", wag aansoekers weke om 'n "dot na"-naam te kry. Dít kos N$565.
Volgens ICANN se reëls word die eerste persoon wat 'n werf met 'n land se toegedeelde kode registreer, outomaties die registrateur. Dr. Lisse het in 1990 op hierdie manier beheer oor die bestuur van "dot na" gekry, wat tans deur die onderneming Ondis en die Namibian Network Information Centre (NA-NiC) op Swakopmund behartig word.
So 'n registrateur kan die prosedure vir die registrasie van nuwe werwe vasstel en aansoeke goed- of afkeur.
Ontevredenes meen heeltemal te veel mag het in die proses in 'n enkele internetman se hande beland.

Dani Booysen

http://www.republikein.com.na/die-mark/namibi-moet-digitaal-verspring.94007.php

25.09.2009

Namibië moet digitaal verspring

NAMIBIË kort blykbaar ’n dringende ingryping in die inligting- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) sektor om die steeds groeiende gaping tussen globale tegnologiese vordering en nasionale ontwikkeling te oorbrug. 

Volgens mnr. Milton Louw, skrywer van Smile my Beloved Land, sal sy IKT-aksiegroep bewusmaking in Namibië hoog op die nasionale agenda plaas. Mnr. Louw het onlangs die IKT aksiegroep gestig om Namibiërs aan te spoor om so gou moontlik deel van die digitale rewolusie te word. 

Die aksiegroep wil die Regering as vennoot betrek om op elke vlak bewusmaking te beklemtoon en om die regeringsmandaat te verkry om die publiek oor IKT in te lig. 

Die IKT-aksiegroep wil graag ’n sentrale register in Namibië begin, plaaslike webtuistes help skep en onderhou en mense aanmoedig om by webtuistes sooswww.namlish.com, wat ’n digitale gemeenskap Namibiërs bymekaarbring, aan te sluit en landgenote aan te spoor om ’n digitale nasionale identiteit te skep. 

Mnr. Louw noem dat volslae IKT-infrastruktuur dit moontlik maak om ’n moderne inligtingsamelewing en kennisekonomie te kan aandryf, wat blyk die tendens is wat presterende lande volg. 

Hy noem dat Facebook, in terme van lede, reeds die wêreld se vyfde grootste “land” sou wees. Hy vermeld ook hoe die akteur Ashton Kutcher vir CNN in ’n weddenskap geklop het dat hy ’n miljoen kontakte op Twitter kon kry. 

Hy noem dat veral in lande soos Namibië, Nigerië en Suid-Afrika ’n reusesprong in selfoon-tegnologie plaasgevind het, wat ’n hele ander mark vir IKT-bewusmaking open. ’n Onlangse studie toon dat 80% van die Namibiese bevolking ’n selfoon het, maar net 3.7% gebruik ’n rekenaar met internettoegang. 

“Armoede is dus nie net ’n konsep wat met geld en basiese infrastruktuur verduidelik kan word nie, maar ook deur ’n gebrek aan kennis oor en toegang tot relevante inligtingen kommunikasietegnologie,” sê mnr. Louw.

Hein Scholtz

Urbanomics: A Public Credit Registry for India?

Urbanomics: A Public Credit Registry for India?


One of the fundamental challenges with any credit market is the asymmetry in information between borrowers and lenders. This generates markets failures arising from adverse selection (of borrowers) and moral hazard (among borrowers).

Inadequate information about credit risks posed by borrowers was a significant contributor to the sub-prime mortgage crisis in the US. Blinded by the spectacular rise in property prices and perverse institutional incentives, coupled with absence of adequate information about borrowers, mortgage lenders threw caution to the wind and indulged in a lending spree.

Closer home, one of the major complaints against micro-finance institutions (MFIs) is the widespread trend of multiple borrowings by poor people. Though unaware of the credit histories of their borrowers, MFI lenders were carried away by the belief in their ability to recover loans and gave loans without proper due diligence. The result was poor people saddled with multiple loans from different MFIs, with atleast some of them being merely used to reschedule or repay older loans.

In this context, a credit history register assumes great importance. Credit reporting systems (CRS) are a widely accepted means to capture current and historical lending and payment information on individual borrowers. Such CRS's enable lenders to accurately assess credit risks and monitor the riskiness of their loan portfolios. The CRS databases are also used by regulators to more effectively monitor and supervise banks and ensure financial stability. In this respect, CRS's form the backbone of a healthy credit market.

At a time when banks do not hold monopoly of credit, and are even being eclipsed by other players, it is important that such credit registries cover the transactions of these institutions. The MFIs are just but one of these large number of lending institutions that dot the credit marketplace. Finally, CRS's will enable effective implementation of the recommendations of the International Regulatory Framework for Banks (Basel III).

The Credit Information Bureau (India) Ltd (CIBIL), owned by a consortium of banks and financial institutions, is the first and leading credit registry in India. It collects and disseminates the applicant's complete credit record that may be spread over different institutions. It provides information about the credit history of commercial and consumer borrowers to only its members. However, its membership and access is strictly on payment basis.

In many respects, such CRS is a classic public good. The social benefit of maintaining a CRS out-weighs its private benefit and cost. Further, fragmented credit bureaus defeat the very purpose of establishing them. A single universal credit registry will generate network effects and attract more institutions. Only governments have the incentives to maintain such registries.

An appropriately structured Public Credit Registry (PCR) can be invaluable in the assessment of credit risks and will enhance banking and financial market supervision. There are many countries with PCRs, run by their central banks or banking regulators.

The troubles faced by the MFIs is a clear indication about the need to have in place a Public Credit Registry of India, where all financial institutions register and share information about their borrowers. The Aadhar number provides an excellent anchor around which credit histories can be located and traced.

Cry The Beloved Country

From the Namibian newspaper 13 January 2012

PEOPLE no longer become ashamed or show sympathy in this country, it seems. They only get angry and aggressive when caught out or when dubious deals are questioned.
Some are so brazen they tell critics to leave them in peace in order to make their money. “It’s not my fault you don’t want to be in business,” is one refrain. “You are just jealous,” is the more common one. The details of the incidents exposed by the media are ignored as even the masses buy into the defence that journalists and other critics are simply envious because young blacks are becoming ‘empowered’ and getting rich in the process.
Two such incidents provided this newspaper with ample fodder for ‘hard news’ over the holiday season, a time generally viewed as a ‘soft news’ period. Seemingly the officials in the Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Forestry and the Ministry of Works and Transport regard the reporting and questioning of two tenders as either an irritant or unnecessary and unjustifiable.
Both contracts were discussed and decided just before Christmas, a time when the country literally shuts down for more than a month. And they were regarded as ‘too urgent’ to wait for proper procedure. The agriculture ministry’s Permanent Secretary Andrew Ndishishi pushed through a decision to award a dam construction project to an Italian company called Impregilo at a cost of N$2,8 billion – a good N$800 million more than the lowest bid from a Chinese company also considered suitably qualified.
The Minister of Works and Transport, Erkki Nghimtina, is also said to have insisted that only one company be considered in a N$150 million emergency contract to repair a decrepit railway line. Despite the Tender Board telling the works ministry to find at least two competitors, it came as no surprise that the ministry claims it could find no one else ‘open for business’ except the company it had hand-picked.
The government officials find nothing wrong with the fact that they or their friends own those companies which get government tenders, as is the case with the Permanent Secretary in the Office of the President, Dr Ndeutala Angolo, whose Schoemans Office Systems supplied State House equipment.
It is probably unfair to people like Angolo to mention names because the incestuous government-business relationships have become so commonplace that it is understandable if apparent do-gooders like President Hifikepunye Pohamba and Prime Minister Nahas Angula begin to despair.
It already appears that the general population have resigned themselves to aspects which in many societies would be frowned upon as dubious deals and corrupt systems.
In fact, the situation is so bad there are many Namibians who wish former President Sam Nujoma was back in power, because, they argue, at least under him corruption was ‘well managed’ or at least restricted to a few. This is despite the fact that Nujoma’s mere presence remains the cause of the paralysis that has gripped those he left in charge of the ruling party and the government.
Cry beloved Namibia, cry.

Black Consciousness Revisited

by Benedick M Louw

A QUOTE in Spanish by the revered Cuban patriot, poet and writer Jose Marti (1853-1895) states “La unica manera de ser libre es ser cultos”. When translated into English it means “the only way to be free is to be cultivators”.

Contrary to hasty interpretation thereof, this statement, which by now is a social belief in Cuba, means that in order to be free one needs to produce food to feed yourself or work hard to be able to pursue your happiness whatever trajectory you choose to undertake. In other words it defines absolute independence characterised by a complete psychological, physical but most of all economic liberation from the oppressors.

Underlining the word ‘absolute’ gets one’s attention more in the sense that it calls for complete and total independence vis-à-vis dominance from the oppressor, which in Cuba’s case was principally from Spain.
Now it has resonance for the West, particularly the United States of America.

It’s obvious today that we in Namibia are continuously being led and misled by the former architects of apartheid, particularly the small percentage that owns, dictates and monopolises the economy, sowing divisions or disunity inconspicuously amongst the majority of blacks. This is because it would be unthinkable to repossess the country politically hence the cunning manner of pulling the bargaining ropes with the state and economically sabotaging the majority of the people, namely blacks.

In simple terms, 21 years after independence the majority of blacks clearly do not hold absolute power, being economic ownership, leaving the status quo of apartheid architects still unchanged and unchallenged. It would be foolish or naïve to suggest that a few black elitists do not gain from this fundamentally manipulative neo-colonial manoeuvre.

In his book The Dialectics of Ideological Resistance to White Supremacy, author Robert Fatton dissects the pertinent issues of Class, Blackness and Economics in a very eloquent approach. At the Black Renaissance Convention organised in 1974, Foszia Fisher and Harold Nxasana presented a paper entitled “The Labour Situation in South Africa” which expressed the point of the radical wing of Black Consciousness on the class nature of the blacks.

They argued that white supremacy was not simply the result of military conquest; it also depended on co-opting a black minority into the structure and superstructure of the white system.

This co-option permitted the systematic exploitation of black labour without the permanent use of force.
In this sense, some blacks became auxiliaries of the white system and also participated in the exploitation of fellow blacks. Namibia is a prime example in respect of this rather abyssmal chain of events as evident today.
The ongoing tender tussle of the Neckartal dam is a case in point, which bears all the distinguished hallmarks of black elites at work.

These elites lack the logic, insight, and courage that would have made them leaders of the black revolution. They are blinded by their material egoism and they hardly dare to conceive the idea of black liberation, for this idea was the very negation of their existential condition. Furthermore, since their only social base of power – outside white support – resided in the intensification of tribalism, they actively contribute to the fragmentation of black resistance.

In Namibia nothing is more likely to cause more argument and debate than the ‘land issue’. Land has become synonymous with this situation where less than 10 percent of the people control nearly half the land, while a further 65 percent of the population lives off 41 percent of the total area.

The fact that the former 10 percent are white and largely derived from European settlers, adds racial and political dimensions to the issue.” (Society and Governance – Namibia’s Land Issue)

Kazenambo Kazenambo, alias KK, Minister of Youth and Sport’s recent rhetoric regarding white arrogance sent shockwaves throughout the corridors of white owned businesses and straight into the living rooms of most, whether it be in urban areas or in the luxury of their farm establishments or industries.

These overdue sentiments silently enjoyed praise and still echo in the minds of black youth nation-wide, not to mention youth leaders, the majority still crippled by the manacles of apartheid and the continued experience of being oppressed and economically disadvantaged.

It is the elitist class that is sowing seeds of confusion and division amongst our people. It is the elitist class, created by the very oppressor which has joined hands with the oppressor in suppressing the legitimate aspirations of the masses of the people and they collect crumbs from the master’s table for this dirty work.

To draw parallels to this fact is the undisputed partnership between white capitalists and some few BEE elites discreetly establishing empires, whereas the latter in the name of BEE affirmative policies and with capital funds of their former slave masters through unscrupulous and dubious means seek what is known as ‘tenderpreneurship.

This act of self-enrichment of a few to the disadvantage of the masses is fundamentally unconstitutional, morally backward and ought to be shamed where and when it shows its face.

Such a severe condemnation of the tribal elites was an example of part of an incisive criticism of the whole policy of separate development, which in turn led to radical criticisms of the whole capitalist system.
The linkages between tribal elites, separate development, and capitalist exploitation were identified in Black Consciousness literature and thoroughly condemned:

“Let blacks take full notice of the fact that the Transkei and other homelands are there not for our benefit but to maintain the chains that bind us into perpetual servitude by keeping us divided and involving us in useless and meaningless political exercises so as to keep our eyes away from the pot from which the racial poison is being brewed.

They are there to ensure that the blacks never attain what they aspire for - their liberation.
They are there to maintain the capitalist system of this country by keeping (the black man) starving and ignorant so that he can continue being a tool in the white man’s farm, mine or industry for the production of wealth for the exclusive benefit of the white imperialist.”

Despite liberal claims to the contrary, foreign capital did not contribute to the overall development of black Namibia; instead it enriched the white population and propped up a new black class of pseudo-capitalists.
It’s obvious today that despite the success stories of numerous well drafted policies and well intended regulations, we have dismally failed regarding the effective implementation of these fundamental policies, which putting it candidly, are collecting dust and serve as mere white elephants, archived in the deep office corners of legislators, remaining idle until Kingdom comes.

In the words of Nkwame Nkrumah: “In the era of neocolonialism, under-development is still attributed, not to exploitation but to inferiority, and racial undertones remain closely interwoven with the class struggle”.

Benedick M Louw
Karas Region