How Colonial Debt Stole Namibia’s Land


When we hear the word credit, we might think of getting a loan, swiping a card, or buying something now and paying for it later. But credit can also mean recognition, as in the “credits” at the end of a movie. It’s even used to describe someone’s reputation—being a person of good credit.

In everyday life, however, credit usually refers to money we borrow to buy things we can’t pay for immediately: homes, cars, clothes, or even groceries. While credit can help us access what we need, it can also become a trap. In Namibia, the growing burden of personal debt has become one of our biggest socio-economic challenges.

But credit is not new to Namibia. In fact, it has deep and troubling roots in our colonial history. By looking back, we can begin to understand how credit shaped — and often distorted — our country’s economy and society.


Credit Under Colonial Rule: 1840s–1904

The use of credit in Namibia began to grow in the 1840s, during a time of increasing European trade activity. But instead of empowering local communities, the system of credit quickly became a tool that undermined traditional economies and increased dependency.

One of the earliest recorded incidents involves Jonker Afrikaner, a prominent leader in central Namibia. He reportedly fell into deep debt with a trader named Morris. According to historical speculation, Jonker’s military raid on the Ovambanderu in 1846 may have been influenced by pressure from Morris to repay those debts.

By the late 1890s, even the German colonial administration recognized how bad the situation had become. In response, they passed a regulation stating that no one could be sued for unpaid credit. However, this regulation didn’t last. Business pressure was too strong, and the rule was suspended on 22 February 1899.

Another major figure, Samuel Maharero, found himself overwhelmed by expectations from traders. They not only pressured him to settle his own debts but also expected him to guarantee those of his people. Traders like Gustav Voigts, Fritz Wecke, Ludwig Conradt, and John William Wallace began accepting land as repayment — effectively transferring indigenous land into colonial hands.

The sale of land to pay off debts sparked fierce criticism, even from missionaries like Diehl and Viehe. They condemned the sale of areas like Okakango (north of Okahandja), which Samuel Maharero used to settle his debts.

To protect Samuel from further pressure, the District Chief of Okahandja, Zǘrn, made an important declaration: while Samuel still owed money himself, he could not be held responsible for others’ debts.


The Rise of Land Dispossession Through Debt

As trading on credit became widespread, it led to a much bigger issue: the loss of indigenous land. This clashed with the colonial government’s goal of creating a settler colony where land was the most valuable asset.

In 1903, the German government set up a Credit Commission to investigate how debt collection from indigenous people should be handled. Later that year, Governor Theodor Leutwein issued a proclamation that introduced strict new credit regulations. These rules aimed to prevent communal (or “tribal”) land from being sold to pay debts.

However, anticipating that the new rules would limit their power to collect debts, many traders rushed to enforce even harsher collection methods before the law took effect.


Debt, Resistance, and the Ovaherero Uprising

By early 1904, tensions were rising. Chief David Kambazembi met with trader Gustav Sonnenberg to discuss the mounting debts of the Ovaherero people. The community’s economic freedom was disappearing, and so was their land. The situation had become explosive.

The famous Ovaherero uprising of 1904 had multiple causes: land dispossession, indebtedness, exploitative lending, the sale of alcohol, rape, and threats to leaders like Samuel Maharero. It was a boiling point created by years of unjust financial and political systems.


The Legacy of Colonial Credit Practices

Looking back, it’s clear that colonial financial practices were designed to exclude Namibians from economic participation. Credit was not a tool for empowerment, but a weapon of control.

Today, as Namibia continues to fight poverty, inequality, and rising debt, we must learn from this history. The dream of independence is not just political — it is economic too. Our financial systems, credit institutions, and consumer protections must serve the people, not exploit them.

Only when every Namibian has fair access to economic opportunity can we truly say we are free in the Land of the Brave.


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