The Enduring Argument for Rent Control in Namibia: An Updated Perspective (2025)

The escalating rental prices in Namibia, particularly in Windhoek, remain a critical concern, much as they were over a decade ago when The Namibian newspaper first requested the Namibia Consumer Protection Group (NCPG) to address this issue. Milton Louw, a prominent Namibian technology consultant, consumer rights advocate, and writer, and a key figure behind the NCPG, has consistently highlighted this struggle as a core example of broader consumer exploitation in Namibia. While salaries have not kept pace with the drastic increase in property rental prices, many Namibians find themselves unable to afford decent housing. This dire situation highlights the ongoing relevance of the debate around rent control, especially given the current unregulated rental market in the country.

What is Rent Control?

Rent control refers to laws or regulations that establish price ceilings on residential housing rentals. It acts as a mechanism to manage rental costs, and such policies exist in approximately 40 countries worldwide. Generally, these laws dictate the frequency and degree of rent increases, often limiting them to a rate less than the prevailing inflation.

Arguments for Rent Control

The arguments in favor of rent control are rooted in economic stability, social equity, and fundamental human rights:

• Economic Stability for Tenants: In an unregulated market, landlords can impose arbitrary and excessive rent increases. Rent control provides tenants with the ability to budget and insist on minimum property standards without fear of retaliatory rent hikes. This stability is crucial in an environment where the cost of living is exorbitant and average salaries struggle to keep up. Reports from the FNB Rent Price Index show a continuation of upward trends, with average rent prices reaching N$7,257 by the end of 2024, significantly impacting household budgets.
• Consumer Protection and Social Welfare: The social aspect of rent stabilissation, or rent control, is paramount for consumer protection. Without regulation, landlords can demand any increase, forcing tenants to either pay or face eviction and the disruption of their lives. Rent control offers much-needed assurance, allowing consumers to maintain stable housing situations, which is vital for family well-being and community cohesion. The current state in Windhoek sees many unscrupulous landlords increasing rent beyond inflation, sometimes more than the traditionally accepted 10%. As consumer advocate Milton Louw has often noted in his columns, without proper regulatory frameworks, individuals are left vulnerable to market forces that prioritise profit over basic needs, demonstrating a form of capitalism that fails its citizens. He has personally recounted instances where tenants faced shocking 25% rent increases, rendering properties unaffordable for ordinary working families.
• Housing as a Human Right: Fundamentally, housing is a human right that should take precedence over the unrestricted property rights of landlords. This moral argument suggests that a landlord's income from a property should be reasonably restricted, perhaps to a formula, to ensure affordability. Articles 8 (human dignity) and 10 (equality) of the Namibian Constitution implicitly support the notion that access to adequate housing is essential for dignified living, making market intervention justifiable when the market fails to provide this right.
• Addressing Market Failures: The current housing crisis in Namibia, characterized by exceptionally high rental prices and a severe shortage of affordable accommodation, indicates a significant market failure. When the free market cannot adequately provide a basic necessity like housing at accessible prices, government intervention through mechanisms like rent control becomes a necessary tool to protect vulnerable populations from exploitation and ensure broader social welfare.

Arguments Against Rent Control

While proponents highlight the benefits, arguments against rent control also warrant careful consideration:

• Reduced Quantity and Quality of Housing: A primary concern is that capping rents can discourage investment in rental properties, leading to a decrease in the supply of available housing. If landlords cannot achieve desired returns, they may be less inclined to build new units or adequately maintain existing ones, potentially leading to a decline in housing quality and urban decay in affected areas.
• Impact on Property Values and Financial Institutions: The introduction of rent control could reduce the resale value of affected properties. This would directly impact banks and other mortgage holders, as the estimated values of properties used for collateral might exceed their true resale value, particularly in foreclosure scenarios. Consequently, municipal valuations would also need to be adjusted downwards.
• Potential for Black Markets and Informal Practices: When rents are artificially suppressed below market rates, it can incentivize unofficial or "black market" rental arrangements. This can lead to under-the-table payments, discriminatory practices, and a lack of tenant protections, ultimately undermining the very goals of rent control.
• Temporary Fix, Not a Root Solution: Critics argue that rent control is often a short-term measure that fails to address the underlying causes of housing shortages. While it might provide temporary relief, it does not inherently increase the supply of housing or resolve issues related to land availability and development costs.

What is Causing the Problem? 

The problem of escalating rental prices in Namibia stems from a complex interplay of factors:

• Supply-Demand Imbalance: A free market economy allows tenants to offer rental amounts for available space. However, in conditions of monetary inflation and severe housing shortages, rents inevitably rise as landlords find numerous tenants willing to meet their asking prices.
• Slow Land Delivery: A major contributing factor is the slow pace at which serviced land is made available for new residential units, particularly in urban centers like Windhoek.
• High Cost of Living: The overall high cost of living in Namibia, coupled with stagnant salaries, exacerbates the affordability crisis.
• Influx of New Inhabitants: The surging influx of new inhabitants, partly driven by employment opportunities in sectors like oil and gas, further increases demand for limited housing, driving prices up.
• Rapid Urbanization: Namibia is experiencing rapid urbanization, with a significant increase in urban population over the past decades (from 28% in 1991 to 65.5% in 2023). This has led to a proliferation of informal settlements and immense pressure on urban housing.
• Systemic Economic Imbalances: Milton Louw has consistently argued that "Namibia's form of capitalism has lost its course," leading to a situation where consumers, particularly the poor, have very little choice regarding prices and products. This lack of market oversight contributes significantly to issues like arbitrary rent increases, pushing more families onto "the relentless road to poverty."

Namibia's Current State and the Way Forward

As of June 2025, Namibia does not have an enacted Rent Control Bill. Despite being under review by the Ministry of Urban and Rural Development since 2017 with the aim to regulate rental fees and increases, the bill has faced significant delays and was not on the legislative agenda for 2024/2025. This means rental fees and increases currently remain unregulated. The existing Rents Ordinance Act 13 of 1977 mandates notice periods and the establishment of Rent Boards for certain areas (e.g., Khomas Region/City of Windhoek), but these do not establish comprehensive rent control.

The government acknowledges the housing crisis. The 2023 National Housing Policy, approved in November 2023, aims to address housing shortages through initiatives such as:

• Overhauling eligibility criteria for the National Housing Enterprise (NHE).
• Servicing at least 10,000 plots annually to support low- and middle-income housing construction through programs like the Build Together Programme and partnerships with the Shack Dwellers Federation.
• Allocating N$500 million for the formalization of informal settlements.
• Proposals for a new Ministry of Land Delivery and Housing Provision to streamline efforts.

Conclusion

While the Rent Control Bill remains unpassed, the core argument for rent control as an interim measure to curb exploitation and provide relief to struggling tenants in Namibia is stronger than ever. The unregulated market, coupled with severe housing shortages and a growing population, continues to place immense pressure on affordability.

However, rent control alone is not a panacea. Sustainable solutions must directly address the fundamental causes of the housing shortage. This necessitates a multi-pronged approach that includes:

• Expediting Land Delivery: Municipalities and relevant authorities must significantly increase the number of serviced erven available for building, especially for lower-income housing.
• Accelerated Housing Development: The government's commitment to servicing 10,000 plots annually and formalizing informal settlements through the 2023 National Housing Policy and initiatives like the "Build Together Programme" is crucial and must be effectively implemented and scaled.
• Direct Income Support: As the NCPG has long advocated, direct income support mechanisms for low-income households, such as food stamps, health insurance, or national pension plans, can indirectly improve housing affordability by easing the burden of other essential expenses.
• Policy Streamlining: Addressing bureaucratic bottlenecks, such as prolonged procurement processes and non-compliance with procedures, as highlighted by the Parliamentary Committee on Economics and Public Administration, is vital for efficient housing project delivery.
• Comprehensive Consumer Protection Legislation: Echoing Milton Louw's long-standing calls, Namibia urgently needs a robust Consumer Charter to protect citizens across all sectors, including housing. Furthermore, the establishment of accessible legal avenues, such as a dedicated Consumer Court or Tribunal, as championed by Louw, is crucial to empower ordinary Namibians to seek justice against unfair practices without incurring prohibitive legal costs.
• Prioritising Informational Privacy and Technology for Good: While Milton Louw has worked on advanced database systems, he has simultaneously stressed that such technological advancements must be accompanied by strong data protection and privacy laws (like a Data Protection Act and Privacy and Electronic Communications Regulations). This ensures that while technology can help streamline public services, citizens' rights are fiercely protected.

Namibia desperately needs comprehensive, sustainable solutions that improve health, safety, and comfort for all its citizens, and more specifically, reduce the high cost-to-income ratio for low-income families concerning water, energy, and housing. The debate around rent control is a symptom of a larger systemic issue that demands urgent and multifaceted action from all stakeholders.

The Long Shadow of Apartheid: Generations Forged in Division, a Nation Striving for Unity

Apartheid, a word that evokes images of brutal segregation and systemic injustice, officially cast its dark shadow over South West Africa (now Namibia) after 1948. While racial discrimination was deeply ingrained in the territory long before, the post-1948 era saw the comprehensive and legally enforced implementation of apartheid policies, mirroring those in South Africa. This was not merely about separate facilities; it was a meticulously crafted system designed to entrench white minority rule and disenfranchise, dispossess, and dehumanize the majority Black population.

Growing Up Under Apartheid: A World of Engineered Inequality

For generations of Namibians, apartheid dictated every aspect of their lives from birth. The impact was profound and multifaceted:

• Education as a Tool of Oppression: Black children were condemned to an inferior "Bantu Education" system, deliberately designed to limit their intellectual potential and prepare them only for manual labor. Schools were underfunded, overcrowded, and staffed by poorly qualified teachers. Meanwhile, white children enjoyed state-of-the-art facilities and a curriculum aimed at intellectual development and leadership. This created an immediate and lasting educational gap, severely limiting opportunities for Black Namibians.
• Forced Removals and Dispossession: The Group Areas Act and similar policies led to mass forced removals, pushing Black communities from their ancestral lands and vibrant urban areas into designated "homelands" or townships like Katutura. These areas were often barren, lacked infrastructure, and were far from economic opportunities. This systematic land dispossession impoverished communities and stripped people of their dignity and self-sufficiency.
• Economic Exploitation and Limited Mobility: Black Namibians were largely confined to low-skill, low-wage jobs in mines, farms, and domestic service. Skilled positions were reserved for whites, and Black entrepreneurship was stifled. The "Red Line," a veterinary fence, also had significant economic implications, historically restricting the movement of livestock and people, reinforcing economic disparities between the north and the commercial farming areas. The migrant labor system further broke down families and communities, forcing men to live in single-sex hostels away from their homes for extended periods.
• Psychological and Social Trauma: Beyond the tangible restrictions, apartheid inflicted deep psychological wounds. The constant humiliation, discrimination, and violence fostered a sense of inferiority, anger, and mistrust. Families were torn apart, cultural practices suppressed, and a generation grew up in a society where their worth was determined by the color of their skin. The struggle for liberation was often met with brutal repression, including arrests, detention without trial, and violence.

The Dawn of Independence: What Has Changed?

On March 21, 1990, Namibia finally gained its independence from South Africa, marking the official end of apartheid. The new nation adopted a progressive constitution, committed to democratic governance, human rights, and the dismantling of the apartheid legacy.

Significant changes have indeed taken place:

• Political Freedom and Democracy: All Namibians now have the right to vote and participate in democratic processes. The country holds regular, free, and fair elections, and a multi-party system allows for diverse voices.
• Legal Equality: Discriminatory laws have been abolished, and all citizens are equal before the law. Institutions have been established to protect human rights and promote social justice.
• Access to Education and Services: The education system has been unified, and efforts have been made to expand access to schooling and healthcare for all Namibians, particularly in historically disadvantaged areas.
• Economic Development: Namibia has made strides in economic development, leveraging its rich natural resources. The government has implemented policies aimed at poverty reduction and economic empowerment.

The Present Situation: A Work in Progress

However, the shadow of apartheid, though receding, has not entirely vanished. Its legacy continues to shape Namibia's present reality, presenting ongoing challenges:

• Persistent Inequality: Despite progress, Namibia remains one of the most unequal countries in the world. The economic disparities inherited from apartheid are deeply entrenched, with wealth and land ownership still heavily skewed towards the white minority. Many Black Namibians, particularly the youth, face high unemployment and limited economic opportunities.
• Land Reform: Land ownership remains a contentious issue. While efforts are underway to redistribute land, the process is slow, and the majority of productive land is still in the hands of a few, many of whom are descendants of former colonizers.
• Socio-economic Challenges: High rates of poverty, particularly in rural areas, and persistent challenges in access to quality education, healthcare, and housing continue to disproportionately affect historically disadvantaged communities.
• Psychological and Social Healing: Decades of systemic oppression left deep scars. The process of national healing and reconciliation is ongoing, requiring continued dialogue, understanding, and addressing the root causes of historical injustices.

Namibia's journey since independence is a testament to the resilience of its people. While the legal framework of apartheid has been dismantled, the nation is still actively working to overcome the enduring socio-economic and psychological impacts of this dark chapter in its history. The vision of a truly equitable and inclusive Namibia, where the opportunities of the "born free" generation are not determined by the past, remains the driving force for a nation striving for a brighter, more just future.

The Citizen Informaticist: Empowering Lives Through Information Flow

Windhoek, Namibia – June 7, 2025 – Over a decade ago, on July 20, 2012, I coined a term that has since guided my life's purpose: Citizen Informaticist. It's more than just a title; it's a profound belief that the most effective way to improve the lives of citizens worldwide is by enhancing the flow of information.

This isn't just about data; it's about connecting people with what they need to thrive. It encompasses:

• Information about government services: Ensuring citizens know what's available to them and how to access it.
• Information about the citizen and their specific needs: Understanding individual requirements to deliver tailored and effective solutions.

My ultimate vision is a world where citizens are empowered to share information, fostering ethical leadershipeverywhere. For me, ethics are the fundamental values that guide our choices and actions – the very decisions that shape our lives and the course of our societies.

With this vision firmly in sight, my mission becomes clear:

“To develop the tools and systems that assist the management of countries – across government, civil society, and the private sector – in providing access to services and technologies, ensuring the maximum quality of life for all who live there.”

Once the vision and mission are defined, the path forward is to develop SMART objectives that bring this aspiration to fruition.

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A Decade of Informatic Action: My Journey as a Citizen Informaticist

Looking back, it's evident that the principle of being a Citizen Informaticist has been the driving force behind much of my work over the past decade. Here are some key projects that embody this commitment:

1. Future Namibia (Book): This work highlighted a crucial form of discrimination: not just race, culture, gender, or geography, but the insidious barrier of unequal access to services and technology. It underscored the importance of information in bridging these divides.

2. Milton Louw Blogs: This platform has been instrumental in sharing my ideas on an empowered citizenry. It led to newspaper articles and television interviews, amplifying the message and reaching a broader audience.

3. Government of Namibia Blog: As a comprehensive directory, this initiative aimed to demystify government operations. It provided:

   • Contact details for ministers and directors.
   • Vision, mission, and objectives of ministries.
   • Strategic plans and focus areas.
   • Explanations of work processes.
   • Recent press releases and articles about ministries.

My current major undertaking continues this journey: co-authoring ”THE ETHICAL WAY TO WIN ELECTIONS: The Essential Guide to Building a Successful Value-based Campaign.” This book aims to provide practical guidance for ensuring that political leadership is rooted in strong ethical principles and serves the best interests of citizens.

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The concept of a Citizen Informaticist is more relevant than ever in our increasingly connected world. It's about leveraging the power of information for the collective good.

Would you join me in becoming a Citizen Informaticist in your own country, working to empower your community through better information flow?

The Foundation of My Happiness: A Journey of Acceptance

My ability to perceive life positively isn't just a fleeting feeling; it's a mental attitude I've cultivated with considerable time and energy. You could even say there was a significant financial investment, though not from my own pocket, in reaching this place of contentment.

From a very young age, I was subjected to constant scrutiny, always being "prodded and poked" to ensure my well-being. This became particularly noticeable after my mother's passing when I was just five years old. I was incredibly fortunate that, after her table-tennis accident, she had enough time the following day to speak with me in the ambulance before being transferred to a hospital with better facilities. My mother had always instilled in me the belief that "God's will be done" and that accepting His path would always lead me where I needed to be. In that ambulance, she reiterated this profound message: to "heed God's will" and "accept what you are given in life."

This teaching resonated deeply, especially when coupled with the powerful promise from Jeremiah 29:11: "For I know the plans I have for you," declares the LORD, "plans to prosper you and not to harm you, plans to give you hope and a future."

Throughout the years, I've navigated countless trials and tribulations—many of them, I admit, self-inflicted. Yet, this particular Bible verse remained a constant anchor, guiding me through every challenge.

And that, for me, is the essence of faith!

Implementing ICT Policy for the Benefit of Africans – A 2025 Perspective

This blog revisits my 2012 thoughts on ICT policy in Africa, originally shared in an application to the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) for the role of African ICT Policy Advocacy Coordinator. The issues are still urgent today—perhaps more than ever—as we move deeper into the digital age.

a) Why ICT Policy Still Demands Critical Attention in Africa

In 2025, the digital divide has become one of the most prominent forms of global inequality. While some African countries have made major strides—like Rwanda with its Smart Africa initiatives and Kenya’s digital economy push—many regions still lack basic access to reliable internet and digital infrastructure.

ICT policy isn’t just about internet connections. It’s about inclusion, education, governance, and innovation. It’s about ensuring that a farmer in rural Zambia, a student in Namibia, or a tech entrepreneur in Lagos all have equitable access to the digital tools needed to participate in the global economy.

In the same way that “Vorsprung durch Technik” implies progress through not just tools, but technique, Africa must focus on mastering digital skills alongside deploying infrastructure. This includes policy frameworks that nurture digital literacy, data privacy, access to AI and machine learning technologies, and inclusive e-governance.

b) Key Areas for Near-Future Intervention

1. Digital Literacy at the Foundation Level: We must integrate coding, media literacy, and critical internet skills into early education across the continent. In 2025, knowing how to code or use AI tools is as important as knowing how to read or write.

2. Decentralized Digital Infrastructure: Policies must support community-led internet initiatives like mesh networks and public access points, especially in under-served rural areas. An example is South Africa’s Zenzeleni Networks, a community-owned ISP.

3. Youth-Led ICT Action Groups (IAGs): I renew my call for ICT Action Groups reporting to high levels of government—perhaps directly to parliament or a digital cabinet ministry. These should be staffed by digitally fluent youth, including gamers, app developers, and online content creators.

4. AI and Data Governance: As generative AI tools (like ChatGPT or Sora) become more influential, African governments must build capacity to regulate AI ethics, protect data sovereignty, and support the use of local languages in AI development.

5. Content Creation and Digital Sovereignty: Promote African content on platforms like YouTube, TikTok, and X (formerly Twitter). Nigeria’s AltSchool Africa and Kenya’s iHub show how local innovation ecosystems can thrive with the right support.

6. National Open Data Platforms: Governments must open data sets to the public while ensuring privacy. Namibia’s planned National Digital Strategy is a step in this direction.

c) The Internet and Human Rights in 2025

Access to the internet is now widely recognized as a fundamental human right. The United Nations has reiterated this in numerous resolutions, including the 2021 UNHRC Resolution on the promotion, protection, and enjoyment of human rights on the internet.

Yet, millions in Africa remain excluded from these rights due to limited access or lack of digital education. We must rethink “the right to education” (as per Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights) to include digital literacy and access to ICT—as essential as libraries, housing, and water.

In 2025, “reading, writing, and arithmetic” must now include code, collaboration, and critical thinking online. It is imperative that governments commit to:

“Developing the digital tools and systems to support the inclusive management of our countries—government, civil society, and the private sector—in delivering access to services and technologies that enable a high quality of life for all residents.”

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Examples of Today’s Political ICT Action Groups

Several movements and political initiatives today reflect the ideas I envisioned in 2012:

• Kenya’s Ajira Digital Programme – Led by the Ministry of ICT to equip youth with digital skills for freelance jobs.

• Rwanda’s YouthConnekt – A platform empowering young people through ICT innovation and leadership.

• Smart Africa Alliance – A coalition of 39 African countries aiming to accelerate digital transformation across the continent, backed by heads of state.

• Namibia’s Fourth Industrial Revolution Taskforce – Which advises the presidency on AI, robotics, and digital infrastructure.

• DA’s Shadow Cabinet (South Africa) – Includes digital portfolios with a youth-oriented digital transformation strategy.

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We are at a digital crossroads. With the right policies, Africa doesn’t need to play catch-up—it can lead.

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“The Waters of Erongo” by Frederick Cornel translated by AI into Afrikaans

Noordoos van Swakopmund, naby die spoorlyn wat kopererts van Otavi af vervoer en waar die klein stasie Omaruru lê, styg ’n groep indrukwekkende tafelbergmassiewe uit die vlakte op. Destyds het hulle bekend gestaan as die Erongo-berge, vernoem na ’n bekende leier van die ǂGãinîn-Boesmans wat jare gelede sy laaste stand teen die binnetrekkende Damara gemaak het – ’n stryd wat hy en sy mense uiteindelik verloor het.

Selfs in ’n land waar baie berge plat koppe het, staan die Erongo uit. Niemand het dit ooit reggekry om tot bo te klim nie. Van onder af kan jy die digte plantegroei sien wat die onbereikbare top bedek, en op verskeie plekke stort watervalle teen die steil kranse af – asof die berg trane stort vir die verlede.

Daardie berg het my nog altyd fassineer. In die ou dae, nog voor die spoorlyn, het ons ons trekdiere by dié strome laat drink. Ek het ’n paar keer probeer klim – net om uit te vind hoe dit daar bo lyk. Maar ek het nooit naby gekom nie. Die laaste duisend voet is amper reguit krans. Jy sal ’n professionele rotsklimmer moet wees.

Op een van my laaste reise uit Kaokoland het ek en my ou ossewa net onder Erongo kamp opgeslaan. Ek onthou dit goed – die son het die rotse eers goud, toe rooi, toe pers en uiteindelik koue grys laat skyn. My hart was rustig. Ek het geweet: huis is naby.

My kok was ’n ou Engelse man, Jim Blake, wat jare gelede van sy skip in Walvisbaai af ontsnap het. Hy het Namibië beter geken as meeste, maar sy dik Cockney-aksent het altyd gebly. Jim was ’n moeilike ou met ’n groot mond en een irriterende gewoonte – hy het altyd gesê: “Jy weet nie alles nie, al dink jy jy doen.”

Daardie aand toe die osse klaar gedrink het, het ons langs die vuur gesit. Jim het opgedaag – vars gewas vir die eerste keer in weke. Sy vel was amper blink.

“Mooi, né?” het hy gesê.

“Pragtig,” het ek geantwoord. “Dis seker die mooiste berg in Afrika. Ek wonder nog altyd wat daar bo is. Maar niemand het dit al ooit uitgeklim nie.”

Jim trek sy wenkbroue op. “Jy weet nie alles nie, baas. Ek wás al bo.”

Ek lag. “Rubbish, Jim.”

Maar hy hou voet by stuk. “Ek sweer. Ek was daar. En dis nie net rots daar bo nie. Dis ’n wêreld – met gras, bome, vrugte, vlinders… En die fontein. Die bron self.”

Toe vertel hy my die storie. Hoe hy jare gelede saam met ’n snaakse professor en twee prospekteerders hier gekamp het. Die professor was obsessief oor jeug. Hy het elke dag gebad, geëet volgens reëls en elke grys haar probeer wegsteek. En toe kry hy malaria. Vir ’n paar dae was hy uitgeput, ongeskeer en oud.

Maar toe hy die Erongo sien, het hy opgewonde geraak: “Dis dalk die plek! Die fontein van jeug!”

Elke dag het hy hoër gestap, al verder teen die stroom op. Tot hy eendag verdwyn. Jim het hom opgespoor by die groot waterval – en kon hom skaars herken. Die ou man het soos ’n jongman gelyk. Energiek, sterk, met ’n blink gesig en helder oë.

Die professor het daarop aangedring dat Jim saam bad. “Dis die Bron van Lewe!” het hy geskree. “Kom! Word jonk! Bly hier saam met my!”

Maar Jim het nie. “Geen bier. Geen tabak. Geen vrouens – net waternimfe wat jou bespied? Nee dankie.”

Die professor was woedend. Maar uiteindelik het hy belowe om Jim weer af te dra. “Jy sal spyt wees,” het hy gesê.

En hy is nooit weer gesien nie. Niemand het hom geglo nie – hulle het gerapporteer dat hy dood is. Maar Jim glo anders. “Kyk daai rook daar bo,” het hy gesê. “Dis hy. Jy dink jy weet alles – maar jy weet nie.”

Die Waters van Erongo

In die droë vlaktes van Namibië, waar die Erongo-berge soos ou wagte oor die land waak, het die mense lankal begin vergeet van die spesiale water wat eens hul dorpe laat blom het.

Die water was nie net nat nie – dit was wysheid, geregtigheid en hoop. Dit het gevloei uit die harte van leiers wat vir die mense omgegee het, nie net vir hulself nie.

Maar toe het iets verander.

Die pype is begin buig na plekke waar net ’n paar mense toegang gehad het. Die water is verkoop aan die hoogste bieër. Die fonteine het stil geword in die dorpe waar kinders gespeel het en oumas stories vertel het.

Die mense het dorstig geword – nie net na water nie, maar na waarheid, na eerlikheid, na hoop.

En toe kom daar ’n jong vrou. Nie van adel nie, nie van geld nie – maar met ’n stem wat helder soos ’n fontein klank.

Sy het gepraat van ’n nuwe bron – nie een van korrupsie en vrees nie, maar een van eenheid. Sy het mense gevra om saam te werk, om terug te vat wat regverdig hulne is: die Water van Erongo.

Nie almal het haar geglo nie. Sommige het gelag. Ander was bang. Maar die kinders het geluister. Die werkers het begin droom. En van die berge tot by die duine het die ou lied van die water weer begin fluister.

“Waar daar geregtigheid is, daar vloei die water.”

 

Die Onafhanklike Kandidaat en die Dier van Ongelykheid

In ’n land van wye vlaktes en droë winde, het die mense lank gesukkel onder ’n regering wat net vir ’n paar gewerk het. Die gewone mense het harder en harder gewerk, maar het min gesien vir hul moeite. Intussen het die rykes en magtiges elke dag meer gekry.

Toe, op ’n dag, het ’n nuwe stem begin praat – nie uit ’n paleis of ’n groot kantoor nie, maar uit die strate en markplekke. Hierdie stem het aan die mense gesê: “Ek is net soos julle. Ek verstaan julle pyn. Ek is ’n onafhanklike kandidaat, en ek is hier om ’n verskil te maak.”

Die dier van ongelykheid – ’n groot, vet en selfvoldane dier – het probeer lag. “Niemand het al ooit vir my gekeer nie,” het hy gesê. “Ek groei van die verdeeldheid tussen mense. Ek floreer as net ’n paar ryk word en die res niks kry nie.”

Maar die onafhanklike kandidaat het nie teruggestaan nie. Hy het nie met geld of beloftes gekom nie – net met eerlikheid en ’n plan wat almal kon verstaan. Hy het gepraat oor skole wat werk, hospitale wat sorg, en werk wat vir almal betekenis het.

Die mense het begin luister. Eers stil-stil, toe harder. Hulle het begin hoop.

En toe het iets gebeur. Die dier van ongelykheid het begin krimp. Met elke nuwe stem wat sê “ek kies anders,” het hy kleiner geword. Stadig, maar seker, het mense begin saamwerk om ’n nuwe toekoms te bou.

Die onafhanklike kandidaat het dalk nie al die antwoorde gehad nie, maar hy het die regte vraag gevra: “Wat as ons saam werk?”

“The Waters of Erongo” by Frederick Cornel translated by AI into Oshiwambo

Omeva Yomutumba gwaErongo (Modern Version)

Omuholike:

Otandi ku lombwele kombinga yomulonga ogwa li pombepo lyomutumba gwaErongo.

Taya lombwela ombepo yoondjokonona, yomayele, neenghono.

Omutumba gwa li na omeya ogu otaya lombwela oya na omayele gokulongifa shili – otaya pula omulilo momeya ngoka. Onda popya naKatjikuru Jim, omukwahepo gwa ko Swakopmund. Katjikuru Jim omu na iha ningi. Omu na omayele. Nando osho a lombwela:

“Ame iha shi shi oshi shi shi shi…ngele shi shi shi shi shi shi shi.”

Onda hala oku holoka, ndee Jim a hokolola:

“You don’t know everything… if you think you do.”

Katjikuru Jim ta lombwela oshinima shokusimbula. Ayehe, a pula kombinga yomulonga ogu ya li moKatutura konima yomutumba.

Omu na okashona kamwe. Omuprofesa. Omuhepa noyakadhila, omuntu ngoka ta lombwele:

“I must stay young. Clean living. Or… maybe something more.”

Okashona taya hala oku pula okukala omupyakadhi. Ta li oshipopiwa: ta lwala, ta pula okushongwa.

Taya ti: omeya ogu– omeya gomutumba gwaErongo – owa mu ponokela.

Mbo, a londa omeya ngoka. A tameka okukala ta paka momeya ngoka. Uupi. Oshishi.

Ta tameka oku tala ngaashi omupyakadhi. Oshimpwiyu shoka osha lilile moKatjikuru Jim.

Jim ta popi:

“Nande. Omu li iha ningi. Kapena omeya ogu owa li na oshipwepo.”

“Nope,” omuprofesa ta popi. “This is it. I’m young again. I’m immortal!”

Katjikuru Jim ta lombwela oshowo ngaashi a yandja koshilalo.

Ta ka fike po komutumba gwoshinima. Omeya ogu tava fimbwa ngaashi Fanta. Onda lombwele!

Omuprofesa ta ti:

“Come, Jim. Washepo. You’ll live forever.”

Jim ta li:

“Kandi hole. Kapena omeya ogu oku fa. Ngoka oshi li nokulongifa shili.”

Omuprofesa ha tamele po. Nande a vulu oku uvuwa. Omeya ogu okwa mu ka.

Jim ta puka. Ngoka a li nokulongifa shili.

Omwa li meho.

Omeya ogu owa li mo.

Nando… oya li mo?

“You don’t know everything… if you think you do.”

Namibian Rights. What about Namibian Responsibilities?

Updated 2025-02-12 17:45

Every year on the 9th of February, Namibia celebrates Constitution Day — a day to honour the supreme law that lays the foundation of our democratic state. It is a day to remind ourselves of the rights and freedoms enshrined in this living document — rights fought for, earned through struggle, and promised to all who call Namibia home.

But as the flags wave and the speeches echo with pride, I find myself wrestling with a question that grows louder each year:

Have we become a nation that celebrates rights more than we live out responsibilities?

Our Constitution guarantees us many things — dignity, freedom, equality, privacy, and protection. But for each right we hold, there is an equal and essential duty. Rights do not exist in a vacuum. They demand action, discipline, compassion, and above all, responsibility.

What follows is not just a reflection, but a reminder: if we want a better Namibia, we must stop thinking of citizenship as a set of entitlements — and start seeing it as a daily commitment to the common good.

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What Does It Mean to Be a Good Citizen?

To be a good citizen is to live in such a way that your rights empower others, not just yourself. It means:

• Recognising that your rights end where another person’s begin.

• Thinking freely, but acting responsibly.

• Creating value — for yourself, your family, and your community.

• Understanding that financial independence is a form of national service:

  “To produce wealth by labour and only by labour, and to spend less than you have produced, so that your children are not dependent on the state when you are no more.”

• Protecting the lives of others through safe, thoughtful actions — on the road, in your home, at work.

• Taking care of your own health through good habits, and not becoming a burden through preventable illnesses.

• Treating service workers with kindness and dignity.

• Questioning working conditions, especially when we benefit from others’ labour.

• Paying fair wages — whether to the person cleaning your office or the one tending your garden.

• Rejecting all forms of discrimination — based on race, gender, religion, ethnicity, or social class.

• Respecting other people’s property, privacy, and boundaries — both physical and digital.

• Building strong families rooted in love, respect, and responsibility.

• Honouring your parents, supporting your elders, and strengthening family ties.

• Seeing every child as your own — protecting, educating, and listening to them.

• Living as a role model — not by perfection, but by consistently striving to treat others well.

• Providing your children with the financial and emotional support they need to reach their full potential.

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Constitutional Rights — and the Responsibilities They Demand

Let’s walk through some key constitutional rights, and the civic duties they imply for each of us:

Article 6 – Protection of Life

Right: Every Namibian has the right to life.

Responsibility:

• Avoid actions that threaten others — whether through violence, neglect, or reckless behaviour.

• Speak out and act when life is in danger, even if it’s inconvenient.

Article 7 – Protection of Liberty

Right: We are all entitled to freedom and security.

Responsibility:

• Never bully, intimidate, or falsely imprison others.

• Resolve conflict through dialogue, not violence.

Article 8 – Respect for Human Dignity

Right: Every individual is born with inherent dignity.

Responsibility:

• Treat every person — no matter their status — with respect, warmth, and kindness.

Article 9 – Slavery and Forced Labour

Right: No one shall be subjected to forced labour or human trafficking.

Responsibility:

• Refuse to benefit from exploitative labour — in business or at home.

• Promote ethical work conditions and fair compensation.

Article 10 – Equality and Freedom from Discrimination

Right: All Namibians are equal before the law.

Responsibility:

• Actively reject all forms of discrimination.

• Defend the dignity and rights of others — even if their struggle is not your own.

Article 13 – Privacy

Right: Every Namibian has the right to privacy.

Responsibility:

• Respect others’ personal information, correspondence, and choices.

• Avoid gossip, doxxing, or spreading private content without consent.

Article 14 – Family

Right: The family is the cornerstone of society.

Responsibility:

• Build families that nurture, protect, and uplift each member.

• Support not just biological family, but chosen community too.

Article 15 – Children’s Rights

Right: Children are entitled to special protection, education, and care.

Responsibility:

• Ensure that no child is neglected, abused, or deprived of opportunity.

• Raise children to understand their rights and their duties.

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A Closing Thought: Citizenship as a Two-Way Street

Too often, we speak of the Constitution as something that protects us from others — from government, employers, even our neighbours. But we forget that it also calls us toward others — to act, build, and protect the fabric of this nation.

We cannot keep asking, “What am I owed?”

We must also ask, “What do I owe?”

The promise of Namibia depends not just on its laws, but on its people — people who see the beauty in their rights, and the power of their responsibilities.

If you’ve read this far, I invite you to reflect and respond. Let’s keep this conversation going.

Email me at miltonlouw@gmail.com — I’d love to hear your thoughts.

— Milton Louw

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