Competitions of Luck? Not So Lucky

It’s that time of year again—festive lights are up, shops are buzzing, and everyone is hoping for a little extra luck. Maybe a new car. Maybe a shopping hamper. Or just enough cash to make the holidays sparkle. Businesses know this and are more than ready to take advantage of our holiday hopes.

As consumers, we understand that our relationship with businesses should be one of mutual benefit. We give our money, and in return, we expect value—whether it’s a product, a service, or a fair chance at winning a prize. But fairness doesn’t always factor into these “competitions of luck.”

The Legal Loophole You Didn’t Know About

Before Independence, Namibia had laws to regulate lotteries, raffles, and other chance-based games. But when gambling was legalised in the post-independence era, attention shifted primarily to casinos and gambling houses. Sadly, other “games of luck”—like raffles, scratch cards, and SMS competitions—were left in a legal grey area.

That loophole has opened the door for shady operators to exploit unsuspecting consumers. Here’s how:

• Fake raffles: Imagine two people organising a raffle with a car as the grand prize. They sell tickets worth N$400,000, buy a car worth N$200,000, and rig the draw so one of them “wins” the car. The rest of us? We were just funding their scam.

• Scratch cards with zero winners: What if the scratch cards you buy have no winning combination at all? Not by chance—but by design.

• SMS competitions: Promoters promise that the first person to send an SMS will win. But they keep the lines open and charging long after the prize has already been claimed. Sound fair? It’s not.

You’d think there would be a law against this sort of thing, right? Unfortunately, there isn’t. While these practices may be unethical, they are not illegal under the current legislation.

What Needs to Change?

The Ministry of Environment and Tourism has been tasked with updating Namibia’s gambling laws, and consultations with stakeholders are underway. But progress has been slow—and in the meantime, consumers continue to be exploited.

As a citizen, you deserve protection from dishonest business practices. We need updated legislation that closes these loopholes and ensures that competitions—whether they’re based on luck or skill—are conducted transparently and fairly.

Before You Play, Think Twice

Next time you’re tempted by a flashy prize or a “once-in-a-lifetime” chance to win big, ask yourself:

• Do I really have a fair chance?

• Is this competition regulated?

• Would I still participate if I knew how the prize is awarded?

Your hard-earned money deserves more than a promise. It deserves protection.

Let’s demand better!

Future Dreams - A Namibian Short Story

(Revised from a 2012 submission to the Commonwealth Writers Short Story Prize)

“Love doesn’t understand the concept of time,” Simon said, taking the drink I handed him.

The sun was sliding behind the mountains to the west as we looked north over the quiet golf course. I had finally built the house of my dreams on a piece of land nestled within a golf estate, thirty kilometres south of Windhoek. After years of sacrifice and saving, the moment was finally mine. Tomorrow my wife and daughter would move in—but today belonged to me.

Simon, an old friend, was visiting. A solitary soul who insisted he was never lonely, Simon had a gift for conversation that always began with a jarring observation, followed by a story that crept into your bones.

“Do you know the One Bullet Theory?” he asked, not waiting for an answer. “It says you can fall in love many times, even make love many times—but there’s only one bullet with your name on it. And if you’re lucky enough to get hit by it, the wound never heals.”

We sat in silence. I, like him, was probably remembering the one person who might’ve carried our name on that metaphorical bullet.

“I saw Martin the other day,” Simon continued. “He was having coffee with Catherine. Imagine that—after all these years. You remember their story, right?”

I knew better than to interrupt Simon when he was telling a story. I nodded, just enough to let him know I was listening.

“Martin was born in Windhoek but raised mostly in Johannesburg with his grandparents after his mother passed. Catherine, born in Cape Town, came to Windhoek to live with her aunt after losing her father. Maybe it was the grief in both of them that made their souls echo.

“The first time I saw them, they must’ve been six or seven. It was at a wedding, back when you invited the whole neighbourhood to the reception. She was the little bridesmaid—dressed in white, glowing. Even then, she stood out from the other kids. Martin was there too, awkward in his suit, staring off into the garden.”

Simon paused to relight his pipe, eyes glazing with nostalgia.

“I had just started smoking myself and snuck to the back of the garden. That’s when I saw her walking down the steps toward him.

‘What are you doing here alone?’ she asked.

‘I was wishing a special wish,’ he said.

‘And what was that?’

‘I was wishing the beautiful girl in white would be my friend.’

“Johannesburg had already given him that overconfident flair,” Simon chuckled. “She ran back when someone called for photos. I returned too, but I looked back and saw him standing alone, eyes fixed on the sunset. I could clearly hear him say, ‘One day I will marry her.’ I thought it was sweet at the time—just a child’s dream.”

Simon’s storytelling voice softened as he looked at our empty glasses. I got up to refill them.

“Years passed. I forgot about Martin until he showed up in my high school class—mid-year transfer, quite the scandal. Word spread quickly that he’d been in juvenile detention—something about a bank card robbery. Smart as anything, but stubborn. He’d interrupt class to ask questions, never shy, always probing.”

The sun had set, and the coals were just right. While Simon started on the potjiekos—bosvark rugstring simmering in cast iron—I laid out the springbok chops I’d marinated the day before.

“Martin was a pariah,” Simon continued. “Shunned by classmates, avoided by parents. He walked the neighbourhood alone, always smiling like he knew some joke we didn’t. The only time he got serious was when he watched the other students. Especially Catherine.”

He paused, staring into the flames. “I remembered that look—the same he had at the wedding. It was the One Bullet. His eyes followed her like a shadow follows light. And yet, they lived in different worlds. She was beautiful, from a respected family. He was a jailbird.”

I prodded, “So what did you do, Simon?”

He grinned. “You know me. I had my own heartbreak once, and I wasn’t going to let fate win again. Turns out, I wasn’t alone. We teachers began orchestrating little ‘accidents’—messages that had to be passed between their classrooms. They were always the messengers. The students noticed before long and teased them mercilessly.”

“Martin didn’t shrink from it,” Simon continued. “The teasing made him bolder. And one day, he asked her to be his girlfriend. She said yes. The whole school was shocked.”

Simon’s eyes twinkled. “Together they created a school newspaper, revived the drama club, won national competitions. At their matric farewell, she wore white, he wore a blue suit. Just like the wedding. I swear I’d seen it all before.”

He poured himself another drink. “But like all love stories, it was doomed. And I had no small part in the ending.”

We ate then, piling our plates with grilled chops, rich bush pig stew, and baster poeding. After grace, we ate in silence, as Namibians do when food is sacred and words must wait their turn.

After dinner, coffee replaced whiskey. Simon lit his pipe.

“Martin came to see me after the exam results. He’d passed brilliantly. Catherine hadn’t. He had a bursary; she had nothing. Her foster parents had cut her off. He asked me what to do. And I gave the worst advice.”

“What was the dilemma?” I asked gently.

“He wanted to join the student struggle. 1988—the time of protests, boycotts, toi-toi in the streets. He couldn’t bear the thought of blaming her one day for not answering the call of duty. He chose the cause over love.”

I nodded, remembering that turbulent time.

“Within two years,” Simon said, “Namibia was independent. Martin was the one who raised the flag on that first morning. But the price he paid was Catherine.”

“And after?” I asked.

“Martin became a diplomat, married, divorced, left it all to become a writer and beach bum. Catherine got pregnant, married the father, divorced, and became a top lawyer. Both lived full lives—but apart.”

He sipped his coffee, now laced with whiskey. The silence stretched.

“They had coffee, recently,” he finally said. “I saw them—awkward at first, then warmer. I left them quickly. Maybe I felt guilty. Maybe I still do.”

I remembered his opening line. “What did you mean by, ‘Love doesn’t understand the concept of time’?”

Simon smiled wistfully. “They were speaking in the present about their past. But their souls—those souls—were already sharing future dreams.”

The History of Coloureds in Namibia Since 1800 till Independence

The history of the Coloured community in Namibia is a complex narrative woven through colonial conquest, racial classification, displacement, resistance, and post-independence identity struggles. Often overlooked in mainstream national history, Coloured Namibians have played a unique and multifaceted role in shaping the socio-political fabric of the country. Their story begins long before formal borders were drawn and continues into the democratic era of modern Namibia.

Origins: Early 1800s and the Cape Influence

The term “Coloured” historically refers to a diverse group of people of mixed racial ancestry, mainly resulting from unions between indigenous African groups, European settlers, and slaves from Asia brought to the Cape during Dutch and later British colonial rule. Many Coloured people in Namibia trace their origins to the Cape Colony, particularly from the early 1800s when mission stations and trade routes were established northwards into present-day Namibia.

As documented by Klaus Dierks, one of the earliest recorded settlements of people of mixed descent in what would become Namibia dates back to around 1811, when missionaries from the London Missionary Society (including Joseph Tindall and Heinrich Schmelen) settled in southern Namibia. Schmelen’s Khoekhoe wife, Zara, played a vital cultural and linguistic role in missionary work, signifying early examples of racial and cultural integration.

These early interactions laid the foundation for a small but growing population of people later classified as “Coloureds” — a term formalised under South African apartheid but with earlier social underpinnings in the Cape and surrounding regions.

Mid-to-Late 19th Century: Movement and Missionaries

During the mid-1800s, increased missionary activity and settler expansion from the Cape brought more Coloured artisans, evangelists, and workers into Namibia. Some were sent deliberately by mission societies, while others came as wagon drivers, interpreters, or traders. They often found themselves mediators between indigenous communities and European colonists.

With the arrival of German colonialism in the 1880s, the socio-political status of Coloureds began to shift. Although not considered equal to Europeans, many Coloured individuals were able to access limited forms of education and employment, often serving in administrative or intermediary roles under German rule. However, they were also excluded from land ownership and political power, reflecting their ambiguous position in colonial society.

German Colonial Rule (1884–1915): Limited Integration, Strategic Exclusion

Under German rule, racial hierarchies became more rigid, especially following the genocides of the Herero and Nama peoples (1904–1908). While the Germans viewed Coloureds as superior to “natives,” they were still subject to discriminatory policies. Some Coloured families were relocated, restricted in property rights, and faced limitations in upward mobility.

Despite these restrictions, Coloureds were sometimes utilised in semi-skilled jobs, as schoolteachers, clerks, or police assistants. A few Coloured individuals acquired education through missionary schools, enabling limited social advancement.

South African Administration and the Rise of Racial Categorisation (1915–1948)

With South Africa’s occupation of Namibia during World War I, apartheid ideologies from the Union of South Africa began influencing administration. The South African government applied increasingly rigid racial laws, classifying Coloureds as a distinct racial group separate from both “Whites” and “Natives.”

In the 1920s and 1930s, the influx of Coloured families from the Cape accelerated, particularly for employment on the South African railways and public works in southern and central Namibia. Coloured schools and residential areas were established in towns like Lüderitz, Keetmanshoop, and Windhoek (especially in areas like Khomasdal).

However, these communities remained subject to racial segregation and legal discrimination. The Urban Areas Act and other legislation restricted where Coloureds could live and work. They had no political representation and were often used to enforce policies against indigenous Africans while still being marginalised themselves.

The Apartheid Era: 1948–1989

The implementation of full apartheid policies in 1948 brought about significant changes for Coloureds in Namibia. The government enforced forced removals and racial zoning, including the relocation of Coloured people in Windhoek to Khomasdal in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as part of the broader Group Areas Act.

Educational institutions like the Dawid Bezuidenhout Secondary School were established for Coloured learners, offering better resources than schools for Black Namibians but still far below the standard of white schools. The apartheid state also created a Coloured Representative Authority in the 1970s, as part of a plan to install “ethnic” self-governments. Many Coloured Namibians rejected this token representation, seeing it as an attempt to divide resistance to apartheid.

Coloured people were caught in a difficult position: privileged compared to Black Namibians in certain respects, but still oppressed and excluded from full citizenship. Many became politically conscious, joining the liberation struggle through SWAPO, the Namibia National Students Organisation (NANSO), and churches.

Notably, some Coloured leaders played a role in anti-apartheid resistance. They used their relative mobility and access to information to support underground movements and raise awareness, while others were accused of collaborating with the apartheid regime, illustrating the community’s divided and complex political position.

Post-Independence Namibia (1990–Present): Identity, Representation, and Belonging

With independence in 1990, Namibia officially abolished racial discrimination and sought to build a unified national identity. However, the legacy of apartheid classification systems remained. The Coloured community struggled with questions of identity: were they part of the “Black majority,” or a distinct cultural group?

In the post-independence era, Coloured Namibians have continued to contribute to national life in education, politics, business, and the arts. Leaders such as Pieter van Wyk , Milton Louw, and others have helped redefine the role of Coloureds in public life. 

Pieter van Wyk is a respected traditional leader of the ≠Aonin (Topnaar) community, one of the oldest Nama groups in Namibia, based along the Kuiseb River in the Erongo Region. Though his ancestry includes indigenous Nama roots, many in his community identify as Coloured due to historical intermarriage and apartheid-era classification. He is known for his work in preserving indigenous knowledge, botany, and desert ecology, as well as advocating for his people’s land and cultural rights in the post-independence era.

Milton Louw has been a prominent voice in consumer advocacy, fighting for transparency, fair business practices, and regulatory accountability in Namibia. Through his writing, workshops, and media engagement, he has empowered ordinary Namibians—especially marginalized groups, including the Coloured community—to understand their rights and challenge exploitative systems. His activism also intersects with broader social justice themes such as inequality, access to credit, and public participation

However, many still feel underrepresented in political discourse and marginalized in affirmative action policies that primarily benefit “previously disadvantaged” Black Namibians.

Additionally, younger generations have grappled with questions of cultural identity. Afrikaans remains a dominant language in many Coloured communities, leading to both pride and criticism in post-apartheid Namibia. Despite these tensions, Coloureds remain a resilient and dynamic part of Namibia’s multicultural society.

Conclusion

The history of Coloureds in Namibia reflects broader themes of colonisation, racial stratification, resilience, and post-independence identity formation. From their early presence alongside missionaries and traders, through marginalisation under both German and South African regimes, to the complicated realities of modern Namibia, the Coloured community’s journey is both unique and integral to the nation’s story.

While they have often been defined by others in terms of what they are not — not white, not black — their lived experiences, contributions, and evolving identities show that they are not a fringe or forgotten group, but central participants in Namibia’s past and future.

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Sources:

1. Klaus Dierks, Chronology of Namibian History – www.klausdierks.com

2. Wallace, Marion and Kinahan, John. A History of Namibia: From the Beginning to 1990.

3. Emmett, Tony. Popular Resistance and the Roots of Nationalism in Namibia.

4. Hopwood, Graham. Guide to Namibian Politics

5. Gewald, Jan-Bart. Herero Heroes: A Socio-Political History of the Herero of Namibia

6. Interviews with community members (oral history sources, summarised in publications by the Museums Association of Namibia)

Klaus Dierks’ Chronology of Namibian History provides Historical Data (Pre-History to 2000)

Do you know, Karl Otto Ludwig Klaus Dierks (19 February 1936 – 17 March 2005) was a German-born Namibian deputy government minister, a transport planner and civil engineer in Namibia. He was also an academic which provides many insights into Namibias history and its engineering past. He also prepared the Chronology of Namibian History, on which the following essay is based. His website can be found at https://www.klausdierks.com/.

1. Pre‑historical Period to c. 1486 (Middle Stone Age to ca. 1200 AD)

Dierks begins with the sparse archaeological evidence of Namibia’s earliest inhabitants during the southern African Middle Stone Age, roughly until 1200 AD. He notes copper-smelting traditions in the Matchless Mine and Otavi Mountains that testify to early mining and trading activity, long before written records emerged  .

2. Period of Explorers, Hunters, and Traders (1486–1800)

This period marks the arrival of European explorers and traders from about 1486 onward. While formal colonial presence was absent, trade networks and early European contact began shaping local dynamics. Ethnic communities such as the Ovambo and Ovaherero were already present and their ancestors likely migrated from central/eastern Africa centuries earlier  .

Guilliam Visagie, arriving around 1786, is recognized as the first white settler in today’s Namibia, establishing a farm near Keetmanshoop in the late 18th century.

3. Pre‑colonial / Missionaries Epoch (1805–1883)

Dierks divides the missionary era into arrival and political interference. Early Rhenish and Wesleyan missionaries appear in the early 19th century. Missionary activity slowly expanded, resulting in growing European influence over local leadership and inter-ethnic relations by the mid-1800s  .

4. Colonial Period: German Rule (1884–1914)

    4.1 Initial Occupation (1884–1889)

Germany formally declared its protectorate over South West Africa in 1884. Early treaties, infrastructure establishment, and missionary expansion accompanied the occupation  .

    4.2 Rising Resistance (1890–1903)

Named the era of “active resistance,” local leaders including Samuel Maharero and Hendrik Witbooi fought back against German rule. Multiple uprisings (nineteen from various communities) set the stage for conflict during this period  .

    4.3 Genocide and Consolidation (1904–1906)

The conflict culminated in the genocide of the Ovaherero and Nama. German forces violently suppressed resistance. Subsequently, Germany consolidated control and resumed colonial administration until the outbreak of World War I  .

5. Colonial Period: South African Rule (1915–1990)

    5.1 Military Rule & League of Nations Mandate (1915–1945)

After Germany’s defeat in World War I, South Africa administered the territory under League of Nations mandate status. The new administration extended apartheid laws from South Africa into South West Africa.

    5.2 UN Trusteeship Era (1946–1956)

Post-World War II, the United Nations proposed placing Namibia under trusteeship. South Africa resisted and instead extended its own apartheid policies further, preventing substantive progress toward independence.

    5.3 Anti‑apartheid Struggle (1956–1974)

Organized resistance intensified. The Old Location uprising in Windhoek (10 December 1959) saw police open fire, killing protestors and galvanising the broader independence movement. SWAPO emerged as the primary liberation movement.

    5.4 Interim Administrations & Independence Road (1975–1987)

South Africa carried out a series of interim administrations—including the Turnhalle Constitutional Conference (1975–1977) and formation of a Transitional Government of National Unity in the mid‑1980s—while excluding SWAPO. These efforts failed to gain legitimacy or accelerate independence.

6. Independence Process to National Sovereignty (1988–1990)

Following sustained internal resistance, SWAPO-led diplomatic and military campaigns achieved UN-backed transition. Namibia formally gained independence on 21 March 1990. Walvis Bay and nearby offshore islands remained separate until reintegration in 1994, but Dierks’s chronology ends at 2000, covering the first decade of independence.

7. First Decade of Independence (1990–2000)

In this period, Namibia consolidated state institutions, managed national reintegration, and pursued development policies. As Dierks himself was active in government during these years, the chronology includes substantial detail on political frameworks, infrastructure projects, and institution-building up to 2000.

Conclusion

Klaus Dierks’s Chronology of Namibian History offers a carefully structured, year-by-year account spanning from early human activity through to the first ten years of independent Namibia. His methodical framework including precolonial cultures, colonial eras under Germany and South Africa, liberation struggle, and post‑1990 development provides a robust platform for understanding Namibia’s complex history—even where early data is fragmentary.

A Consumer Christmas Wish List – 2025 Edition

The Christmas season has always been a time of giving, celebration, and — let’s be honest — a bit of overspending. I remember, as a young boy, writing hopeful letters to Father Christmas. Often, those dreams were answered with practical gifts like socks or school shoes instead of the toy trucks I imagined. Looking back, those gifts were what I truly needed — even if I didn’t appreciate them at the time.

This year, I’m not writing to Father Christmas, but I do have a wish list. Not for myself, but for every Namibian consumer trying to survive and thrive in an increasingly difficult economy. Here is my updated consumer Christmas wish list for 2025:

🎄 1. Friendly Customer Service – A Smile Still Costs Nothing

Too often, we are greeted at counters with disinterest or even hostility. Whether in government offices or retail stores, the phrase “The customer is king” has been forgotten. We know salaries are low and conditions are tough — but kindness goes a long way. A warm greeting, helpful attitude, and basic courtesy can turn a frustrated citizen into a loyal customer. And let’s not forget, good service drives repeat business and improves profitability, which can mean higher salaries over time.

💳 2. More Affordable and Inclusive Banking

Namibia’s banking sector continues to be dominated by four major players, with service fees among the highest in Southern Africa. A 2024 survey by the Namibia Consumer Trust found that over 40% of low-income earners remain unbanked. My wish is for innovative, low-cost banking solutions — from mobile-based micro savings tools to no-fee accounts for students and pensioners. Financial inclusion is the foundation of economic empowerment.

🇳🇦 3. Buy Namibian, Support Namibian

Namibians are waking up to the importance of local value chains. From Ongwediva-made cleaning products to Mariental-grown tomatoes, buying local keeps money circulating in the community. Supporting Namibian businesses helps them grow, employ more people, and contribute to national development. The “Buy Namibian” campaign needs not just visibility — but commitment from retailers and consumers alike.

🛒 4. Transparent Pricing – Let Me Compare Apples with Apples

Even in 2025, product pricing in shops often leaves consumers confused. Is the 750ml bottle really cheaper than the 1-litre one? Are we being tricked by branding? I wish to see unit pricing (per litre, per kg, etc.) as a legal requirement on all store shelves, as it is in South Africa. Clear, standardised price displays empower consumers to make informed choices and promote fair competition.

📜 5. A Strong Consumer Protection Law – Still Waiting

Namibia’s draft Consumer Protection Bill was first floated over a decade ago. In 2021, the Ministry of Industrialisation and Trade revived efforts to bring it to Parliament, but as of 2025, no law has been passed. My wish is that the bill — which aims to formalise consumer rights and establish an independent ombudsman — is tabled and enacted. Enough consultations. Time for action.

🏠 6. Affordable Housing and Inclusive Urban Planning

With Windhoek’s average house price over N$1.2 million in 2024, home ownership remains a dream for most Namibians. Meanwhile, informal settlements swell on the outskirts of towns, far from jobs and services. My Christmas wish is for integrated housing — developments that mix high, middle and low-income units within the same urban spaces. We need to rethink land availability, upgrade informal areas, and stop relying solely on the NHE. A national housing emergency deserves national urgency.

💸 7. No More January Blues

December is joyful — until the bills arrive in January. Stores are already pushing “buy now, pay later” offers. But the truth remains: if you can’t afford it now, don’t buy it. The average Namibian household debt-to-income ratio stood at 77% in 2024, and credit defaults are on the rise. My wish is for consumers to plan better, avoid debt traps, and take advantage of post-holiday sales. Spend with intention, not just impulse.

🧠 8. Old-School Wisdom for a New Age

I leave you with the same wise words my grandfather once gave me — advice I wish more people remembered today:

“Never buy food, clothes or petrol on credit. Never use now and pay later. You will not appreciate what you bought if it is old when you still have to pay for it.”

 

🎁 To every Namibian consumer this festive season:

May your rights be respected, your wallet be protected, and your purchases bring joy — not debt. Let’s work together for a stronger consumer culture in 2026 and beyond.