Black Consciousness Revisited

by Benedick M Louw

A QUOTE in Spanish by the revered Cuban patriot, poet and writer Jose Marti (1853-1895) states “La unica manera de ser libre es ser cultos”. When translated into English it means “the only way to be free is to be cultivators”.

Contrary to hasty interpretation thereof, this statement, which by now is a social belief in Cuba, means that in order to be free one needs to produce food to feed yourself or work hard to be able to pursue your happiness whatever trajectory you choose to undertake. In other words it defines absolute independence characterised by a complete psychological, physical but most of all economic liberation from the oppressors.

Underlining the word ‘absolute’ gets one’s attention more in the sense that it calls for complete and total independence vis-à-vis dominance from the oppressor, which in Cuba’s case was principally from Spain.
Now it has resonance for the West, particularly the United States of America.

It’s obvious today that we in Namibia are continuously being led and misled by the former architects of apartheid, particularly the small percentage that owns, dictates and monopolises the economy, sowing divisions or disunity inconspicuously amongst the majority of blacks. This is because it would be unthinkable to repossess the country politically hence the cunning manner of pulling the bargaining ropes with the state and economically sabotaging the majority of the people, namely blacks.

In simple terms, 21 years after independence the majority of blacks clearly do not hold absolute power, being economic ownership, leaving the status quo of apartheid architects still unchanged and unchallenged. It would be foolish or naïve to suggest that a few black elitists do not gain from this fundamentally manipulative neo-colonial manoeuvre.

In his book The Dialectics of Ideological Resistance to White Supremacy, author Robert Fatton dissects the pertinent issues of Class, Blackness and Economics in a very eloquent approach. At the Black Renaissance Convention organised in 1974, Foszia Fisher and Harold Nxasana presented a paper entitled “The Labour Situation in South Africa” which expressed the point of the radical wing of Black Consciousness on the class nature of the blacks.

They argued that white supremacy was not simply the result of military conquest; it also depended on co-opting a black minority into the structure and superstructure of the white system.

This co-option permitted the systematic exploitation of black labour without the permanent use of force.
In this sense, some blacks became auxiliaries of the white system and also participated in the exploitation of fellow blacks. Namibia is a prime example in respect of this rather abyssmal chain of events as evident today.
The ongoing tender tussle of the Neckartal dam is a case in point, which bears all the distinguished hallmarks of black elites at work.

These elites lack the logic, insight, and courage that would have made them leaders of the black revolution. They are blinded by their material egoism and they hardly dare to conceive the idea of black liberation, for this idea was the very negation of their existential condition. Furthermore, since their only social base of power – outside white support – resided in the intensification of tribalism, they actively contribute to the fragmentation of black resistance.

In Namibia nothing is more likely to cause more argument and debate than the ‘land issue’. Land has become synonymous with this situation where less than 10 percent of the people control nearly half the land, while a further 65 percent of the population lives off 41 percent of the total area.

The fact that the former 10 percent are white and largely derived from European settlers, adds racial and political dimensions to the issue.” (Society and Governance – Namibia’s Land Issue)

Kazenambo Kazenambo, alias KK, Minister of Youth and Sport’s recent rhetoric regarding white arrogance sent shockwaves throughout the corridors of white owned businesses and straight into the living rooms of most, whether it be in urban areas or in the luxury of their farm establishments or industries.

These overdue sentiments silently enjoyed praise and still echo in the minds of black youth nation-wide, not to mention youth leaders, the majority still crippled by the manacles of apartheid and the continued experience of being oppressed and economically disadvantaged.

It is the elitist class that is sowing seeds of confusion and division amongst our people. It is the elitist class, created by the very oppressor which has joined hands with the oppressor in suppressing the legitimate aspirations of the masses of the people and they collect crumbs from the master’s table for this dirty work.

To draw parallels to this fact is the undisputed partnership between white capitalists and some few BEE elites discreetly establishing empires, whereas the latter in the name of BEE affirmative policies and with capital funds of their former slave masters through unscrupulous and dubious means seek what is known as ‘tenderpreneurship.

This act of self-enrichment of a few to the disadvantage of the masses is fundamentally unconstitutional, morally backward and ought to be shamed where and when it shows its face.

Such a severe condemnation of the tribal elites was an example of part of an incisive criticism of the whole policy of separate development, which in turn led to radical criticisms of the whole capitalist system.
The linkages between tribal elites, separate development, and capitalist exploitation were identified in Black Consciousness literature and thoroughly condemned:

“Let blacks take full notice of the fact that the Transkei and other homelands are there not for our benefit but to maintain the chains that bind us into perpetual servitude by keeping us divided and involving us in useless and meaningless political exercises so as to keep our eyes away from the pot from which the racial poison is being brewed.

They are there to ensure that the blacks never attain what they aspire for - their liberation.
They are there to maintain the capitalist system of this country by keeping (the black man) starving and ignorant so that he can continue being a tool in the white man’s farm, mine or industry for the production of wealth for the exclusive benefit of the white imperialist.”

Despite liberal claims to the contrary, foreign capital did not contribute to the overall development of black Namibia; instead it enriched the white population and propped up a new black class of pseudo-capitalists.
It’s obvious today that despite the success stories of numerous well drafted policies and well intended regulations, we have dismally failed regarding the effective implementation of these fundamental policies, which putting it candidly, are collecting dust and serve as mere white elephants, archived in the deep office corners of legislators, remaining idle until Kingdom comes.

In the words of Nkwame Nkrumah: “In the era of neocolonialism, under-development is still attributed, not to exploitation but to inferiority, and racial undertones remain closely interwoven with the class struggle”.

Benedick M Louw
Karas Region

Milton Louw - Future Namibia : Autorenportrait BoD - Books on Demand

Milton Louw - Future Namibia : Autorenportrait BoD - Books on Demand: “Why did I write this book?” “In this book I hope to objectively evaluate Namibia’s economic problems in terms of Namibia’s realities. ... Namibia’s economic problems have both proximate and ultimate causes, too. The solution must eliminate its proximate causes which are multiple and complex. They include: a hugely expanding rural population that is moving to the urban areas; illiteracy – especially in regards Information Technology; lack of adequate schooling and medical care facilities; and their constantly escalating states of poverty. ..."

The Dogg making racial jokes on Facebook

Facebook and social online media is today becoming a method of sharing our ideas with friends and relatives from all around the world, and all around our country too. It allows us to share our ideas, photos and private comments with each other and we know that our friends often think in the same wey that we do - that is after all why we are friends. Many of us do not think that our comments or posts should be considered public, or often consider that people we might not know can read our posts and judge us accoring to these comments.


Last night, 5 January 2012, I was rather saddened to read a post by one of our leading artists who has over 29,000 people following him on Facebook. The Dogg posted the following at around 20h00 on his fan page:

"A MULE IS A CROSS BREED OF A DONKEY AND A HORSE.....SO A BLACK PERSON AND A WHITE PERSON OFFSPRING IS ALSO A MULE SINCE IS CROSS BREED?....HAHAHAHAHAH"  

This is obviously a racial slur and can lead to a charge of racism. What was worse, was that as it was posted by the star many of his fans felt they too could comment and make even more outrageous comments making fun of other people whose parents were from different cultures or mixed races. It was particularly sad that these fans (many of them still youth and possibly born frees) did not realise their comments were  racist and to be strongly condemned - even possibly having a criminal charges laid against them (and The Dogg).

I wish to urge our artists, and our fellow Namibians, to be careful of the things they write on facebook or any other social media. Not only are your comments racist and hurtful, but can, and should, lead to criminal charges of racism.

I hope that our people who make use of these tools think twice before making such comments, or even participating in such activities.

Martin Morocky (born 31 March 1983), known by his stage name as The Dogg is a Namibian multi-award winning musician, producer and actor. He's one of the most outstanding artists in Namibia and is considered one of the pioneers of Namibia's kwaito genre.

Future Namibia - On Sale Now

"Future Namibia" is a book written by Milton Louw covering various PEST (Political, economic, social and technological) issues facing Namibia.

About the author
Milton Louw is a Namibian born socio-political entrepreneur. He has traveled extensively promoting Namibia as an investment destination.

His publications, email newsletters and more recently his blogs are read by entrepreneurs from all sizes of businesses. His research on managing a country as a business using Information and Communication Technology (ICT) tools has been received by a wide audience of business, academics and other social entrepreneurs.

Future Namibia Mission Statement
"Develop the tools and systems to assist the management of Namibia (government, civil society and private sector) in providing access to services and technologies to allow maximum quality of life to all who live here."

Click for the versions you wish to purchase:

• Paperback version:
• Kindle Version:
• Ipad: 

Idealism

Idealism! Throughout history, some men had sought the ideal, and most had called it freedom. Only fools expected absolute freedom, but wise men dreamed up many systems of relative freedom, including democracy. They had tried that in America, as the last fling of the dream. It had been a good attempt, too.

The men who drew the Constitution had been pretty practical dreamers. They came to their task after a bitter war and a worse period of wild chaos, and they had learned where idealism stopped and idiocy began. They set up a republic with all the elements of democracy that they considered safe. It had worked well enough to make America the number one power of the world. But the men who followed the framers of the new plan were a different sort, without the knowledge of practical limits.

The privileges their ancestors had earned in blood and care became automatic rights. Practical men tried to explain that there were no such rights—that each generation had to pay for its rights with responsibility. That kind of talk didn't get far. People wanted to hear about rights, not about duties.

They took the phrase that all men were created equal and left out the implied kicker that equality was in the sight of God and before the law. They wanted an equality with the greatest men without giving up their drive toward mediocrity, and they meant to have it. In a way, they got it.

They got the vote extended to everyone. The man on subsidy or public dole could vote to demand more. The man who read of nothing beyond sex crimes could vote on the great political issues of the world. No ability was needed for his vote. In fact, he was assured that voting alone was enough to make him a fine and noble citizen. He loved that, if he bothered to vote at all that year. He became a great man by listing his unthought, hungry desire for someone to take care of him without responsibility. So he went out and voted for the man who promised him most, or who looked most like what his limited dreams felt to be a father image or son image or hero image. He never bothered later to see how the men he'd elected had handled the jobs he had given them.

Someone had to look, of course, and someone did. Organized special interests stepped in where the mob had failed. Lobbies grew up. There had always been pressure groups, but now they developed into a third arm of the government.

Bagde of Infamy - Lester del Rey