The Enduring Argument for Rent Control in Namibia: An Updated Perspective (2025)

The escalating rental prices in Namibia, particularly in Windhoek, remain a critical concern, much as they were over a decade ago when The Namibian newspaper first requested the Namibia Consumer Protection Group (NCPG) to address this issue. Milton Louw, a prominent Namibian technology consultant, consumer rights advocate, and writer, and a key figure behind the NCPG, has consistently highlighted this struggle as a core example of broader consumer exploitation in Namibia. While salaries have not kept pace with the drastic increase in property rental prices, many Namibians find themselves unable to afford decent housing. This dire situation highlights the ongoing relevance of the debate around rent control, especially given the current unregulated rental market in the country.

What is Rent Control?

Rent control refers to laws or regulations that establish price ceilings on residential housing rentals. It acts as a mechanism to manage rental costs, and such policies exist in approximately 40 countries worldwide. Generally, these laws dictate the frequency and degree of rent increases, often limiting them to a rate less than the prevailing inflation.

Arguments for Rent Control

The arguments in favor of rent control are rooted in economic stability, social equity, and fundamental human rights:

  • Economic Stability for Tenants: In an unregulated market, landlords can impose arbitrary and excessive rent increases. Rent control provides tenants with the ability to budget and insist on minimum property standards without fear of retaliatory rent hikes. This stability is crucial in an environment where the cost of living is exorbitant and average salaries struggle to keep up. Reports from the FNB Rent Price Index show a continuation of upward trends, with average rent prices reaching N$7,257 by the end of 2024, significantly impacting household budgets.
  • Consumer Protection and Social Welfare: The social aspect of rent stabilissation, or rent control, is paramount for consumer protection. Without regulation, landlords can demand any increase, forcing tenants to either pay or face eviction and the disruption of their lives. Rent control offers much-needed assurance, allowing consumers to maintain stable housing situations, which is vital for family well-being and community cohesion. The current state in Windhoek sees many unscrupulous landlords increasing rent beyond inflation, sometimes more than the traditionally accepted 10%. As consumer advocate Milton Louw has often noted in his columns, without proper regulatory frameworks, individuals are left vulnerable to market forces that prioritise profit over basic needs, demonstrating a form of capitalism that fails its citizens. He has personally recounted instances where tenants faced shocking 25% rent increases, rendering properties unaffordable for ordinary working families.
  • Housing as a Human Right: Fundamentally, housing is a human right that should take precedence over the unrestricted property rights of landlords. This moral argument suggests that a landlord's income from a property should be reasonably restricted, perhaps to a formula, to ensure affordability. Articles 8 (human dignity) and 10 (equality) of the Namibian Constitution implicitly support the notion that access to adequate housing is essential for dignified living, making market intervention justifiable when the market fails to provide this right.
  • Addressing Market Failures: The current housing crisis in Namibia, characterized by exceptionally high rental prices and a severe shortage of affordable accommodation, indicates a significant market failure. When the free market cannot adequately provide a basic necessity like housing at accessible prices, government intervention through mechanisms like rent control becomes a necessary tool to protect vulnerable populations from exploitation and ensure broader social welfare.

Arguments Against Rent Control

While proponents highlight the benefits, arguments against rent control also warrant careful consideration:

  • Reduced Quantity and Quality of Housing: A primary concern is that capping rents can discourage investment in rental properties, leading to a decrease in the supply of available housing. If landlords cannot achieve desired returns, they may be less inclined to build new units or adequately maintain existing ones, potentially leading to a decline in housing quality and urban decay in affected areas.
  • Impact on Property Values and Financial Institutions: The introduction of rent control could reduce the resale value of affected properties. This would directly impact banks and other mortgage holders, as the estimated values of properties used for collateral might exceed their true resale value, particularly in foreclosure scenarios. Consequently, municipal valuations would also need to be adjusted downwards.
  • Potential for Black Markets and Informal Practices: When rents are artificially suppressed below market rates, it can incentivize unofficial or "black market" rental arrangements. This can lead to under-the-table payments, discriminatory practices, and a lack of tenant protections, ultimately undermining the very goals of rent control.
  • Temporary Fix, Not a Root Solution: Critics argue that rent control is often a short-term measure that fails to address the underlying causes of housing shortages. While it might provide temporary relief, it does not inherently increase the supply of housing or resolve issues related to land availability and development costs.

What is Causing the Problem? 

The problem of escalating rental prices in Namibia stems from a complex interplay of factors:

  • Supply-Demand Imbalance: A free market economy allows tenants to offer rental amounts for available space. However, in conditions of monetary inflation and severe housing shortages, rents inevitably rise as landlords find numerous tenants willing to meet their asking prices.
  • Slow Land Delivery: A major contributing factor is the slow pace at which serviced land is made available for new residential units, particularly in urban centers like Windhoek.
  • High Cost of Living: The overall high cost of living in Namibia, coupled with stagnant salaries, exacerbates the affordability crisis.
  • Influx of New Inhabitants: The surging influx of new inhabitants, partly driven by employment opportunities in sectors like oil and gas, further increases demand for limited housing, driving prices up.
  • Rapid Urbanization: Namibia is experiencing rapid urbanization, with a significant increase in urban population over the past decades (from 28% in 1991 to 65.5% in 2023). This has led to a proliferation of informal settlements and immense pressure on urban housing.
  • Systemic Economic Imbalances: Milton Louw has consistently argued that "Namibia's form of capitalism has lost its course," leading to a situation where consumers, particularly the poor, have very little choice regarding prices and products. This lack of market oversight contributes significantly to issues like arbitrary rent increases, pushing more families onto "the relentless road to poverty."

Namibia's Current State and the Way Forward

As of June 2025, Namibia does not have an enacted Rent Control Bill. Despite being under review by the Ministry of Urban and Rural Development since 2017 with the aim to regulate rental fees and increases, the bill has faced significant delays and was not on the legislative agenda for 2024/2025. This means rental fees and increases currently remain unregulated. The existing Rents Ordinance Act 13 of 1977 mandates notice periods and the establishment of Rent Boards for certain areas (e.g., Khomas Region/City of Windhoek), but these do not establish comprehensive rent control.

The government acknowledges the housing crisis. The 2023 National Housing Policy, approved in November 2023, aims to address housing shortages through initiatives such as:

  • Overhauling eligibility criteria for the National Housing Enterprise (NHE).
  • Servicing at least 10,000 plots annually to support low- and middle-income housing construction through programs like the Build Together Programme and partnerships with the Shack Dwellers Federation.
  • Allocating N$500 million for the formalization of informal settlements.
  • Proposals for a new Ministry of Land Delivery and Housing Provision to streamline efforts.

Conclusion

While the Rent Control Bill remains unpassed, the core argument for rent control as an interim measure to curb exploitation and provide relief to struggling tenants in Namibia is stronger than ever. The unregulated market, coupled with severe housing shortages and a growing population, continues to place immense pressure on affordability.

However, rent control alone is not a panacea. Sustainable solutions must directly address the fundamental causes of the housing shortage. This necessitates a multi-pronged approach that includes:

  • Expediting Land Delivery: Municipalities and relevant authorities must significantly increase the number of serviced erven available for building, especially for lower-income housing.
  • Accelerated Housing Development: The government's commitment to servicing 10,000 plots annually and formalizing informal settlements through the 2023 National Housing Policy and initiatives like the "Build Together Programme" is crucial and must be effectively implemented and scaled.
  • Direct Income Support: As the NCPG has long advocated, direct income support mechanisms for low-income households, such as food stamps, health insurance, or national pension plans, can indirectly improve housing affordability by easing the burden of other essential expenses.
  • Policy Streamlining: Addressing bureaucratic bottlenecks, such as prolonged procurement processes and non-compliance with procedures, as highlighted by the Parliamentary Committee on Economics and Public Administration, is vital for efficient housing project delivery.
  • Comprehensive Consumer Protection Legislation: Echoing Milton Louw's long-standing calls, Namibia urgently needs a robust Consumer Charter to protect citizens across all sectors, including housing. Furthermore, the establishment of accessible legal avenues, such as a dedicated Consumer Court or Tribunal, as championed by Louw, is crucial to empower ordinary Namibians to seek justice against unfair practices without incurring prohibitive legal costs.
  • Prioritising Informational Privacy and Technology for Good: While Milton Louw has worked on advanced database systems, he has simultaneously stressed that such technological advancements must be accompanied by strong data protection and privacy laws (like a Data Protection Act and Privacy and Electronic Communications Regulations). This ensures that while technology can help streamline public services, citizens' rights are fiercely protected.

Namibia desperately needs comprehensive, sustainable solutions that improve health, safety, and comfort for all its citizens, and more specifically, reduce the high cost-to-income ratio for low-income families concerning water, energy, and housing. The debate around rent control is a symptom of a larger systemic issue that demands urgent and multifaceted action from all stakeholders.

The Long Shadow of Apartheid: Generations Forged in Division, a Nation Striving for Unity

Apartheid, a word that evokes images of brutal segregation and systemic injustice, officially cast its dark shadow over South West Africa (now Namibia) after 1948. While racial discrimination was deeply ingrained in the territory long before, the post-1948 era saw the comprehensive and legally enforced implementation of apartheid policies, mirroring those in South Africa. This was not merely about separate facilities; it was a meticulously crafted system designed to entrench white minority rule and disenfranchise, dispossess, and dehumanize the majority Black population.

Growing Up Under Apartheid: A World of Engineered Inequality

For generations of Namibians, apartheid dictated every aspect of their lives from birth. The impact was profound and multifaceted:

  • Education as a Tool of Oppression: Black children were condemned to an inferior "Bantu Education" system, deliberately designed to limit their intellectual potential and prepare them only for manual labor. Schools were underfunded, overcrowded, and staffed by poorly qualified teachers. Meanwhile, white children enjoyed state-of-the-art facilities and a curriculum aimed at intellectual development and leadership. This created an immediate and lasting educational gap, severely limiting opportunities for Black Namibians.
  • Forced Removals and Dispossession: The Group Areas Act and similar policies led to mass forced removals, pushing Black communities from their ancestral lands and vibrant urban areas into designated "homelands" or townships like Katutura. These areas were often barren, lacked infrastructure, and were far from economic opportunities. This systematic land dispossession impoverished communities and stripped people of their dignity and self-sufficiency.
  • Economic Exploitation and Limited Mobility: Black Namibians were largely confined to low-skill, low-wage jobs in mines, farms, and domestic service. Skilled positions were reserved for whites, and Black entrepreneurship was stifled. The "Red Line," a veterinary fence, also had significant economic implications, historically restricting the movement of livestock and people, reinforcing economic disparities between the north and the commercial farming areas. The migrant labor system further broke down families and communities, forcing men to live in single-sex hostels away from their homes for extended periods.
  • Psychological and Social Trauma: Beyond the tangible restrictions, apartheid inflicted deep psychological wounds. The constant humiliation, discrimination, and violence fostered a sense of inferiority, anger, and mistrust. Families were torn apart, cultural practices suppressed, and a generation grew up in a society where their worth was determined by the color of their skin. The struggle for liberation was often met with brutal repression, including arrests, detention without trial, and violence.

The Dawn of Independence: What Has Changed?

On March 21, 1990, Namibia finally gained its independence from South Africa, marking the official end of apartheid. The new nation adopted a progressive constitution, committed to democratic governance, human rights, and the dismantling of the apartheid legacy.

Significant changes have indeed taken place:

  • Political Freedom and Democracy: All Namibians now have the right to vote and participate in democratic processes. The country holds regular, free, and fair elections, and a multi-party system allows for diverse voices.
  • Legal Equality: Discriminatory laws have been abolished, and all citizens are equal before the law. Institutions have been established to protect human rights and promote social justice.
  • Access to Education and Services: The education system has been unified, and efforts have been made to expand access to schooling and healthcare for all Namibians, particularly in historically disadvantaged areas.
  • Economic Development: Namibia has made strides in economic development, leveraging its rich natural resources. The government has implemented policies aimed at poverty reduction and economic empowerment.

The Present Situation: A Work in Progress

However, the shadow of apartheid, though receding, has not entirely vanished. Its legacy continues to shape Namibia's present reality, presenting ongoing challenges:

  • Persistent Inequality: Despite progress, Namibia remains one of the most unequal countries in the world. The economic disparities inherited from apartheid are deeply entrenched, with wealth and land ownership still heavily skewed towards the white minority. Many Black Namibians, particularly the youth, face high unemployment and limited economic opportunities.
  • Land Reform: Land ownership remains a contentious issue. While efforts are underway to redistribute land, the process is slow, and the majority of productive land is still in the hands of a few, many of whom are descendants of former colonizers.
  • Socio-economic Challenges: High rates of poverty, particularly in rural areas, and persistent challenges in access to quality education, healthcare, and housing continue to disproportionately affect historically disadvantaged communities.
  • Psychological and Social Healing: Decades of systemic oppression left deep scars. The process of national healing and reconciliation is ongoing, requiring continued dialogue, understanding, and addressing the root causes of historical injustices.

Namibia's journey since independence is a testament to the resilience of its people. While the legal framework of apartheid has been dismantled, the nation is still actively working to overcome the enduring socio-economic and psychological impacts of this dark chapter in its history. The vision of a truly equitable and inclusive Namibia, where the opportunities of the "born free" generation are not determined by the past, remains the driving force for a nation striving for a brighter, more just future.

The Citizen Informaticist: Empowering Lives Through Information Flow


Windhoek, Namibia – June 7, 2025 – Over a decade ago, on July 20, 2012, I coined a term that has since guided my life's purpose: Citizen Informaticist. It's more than just a title; it's a profound belief that the most effective way to improve the lives of citizens worldwide is by enhancing the flow of information.

This isn't just about data; it's about connecting people with what they need to thrive. It encompasses:

  • Information about government services: Ensuring citizens know what's available to them and how to access it.
  • Information about the citizen and their specific needs: Understanding individual requirements to deliver tailored and effective solutions.

My ultimate vision is a world where citizens are empowered to share information, fostering ethical leadershipeverywhere. For me, ethics are the fundamental values that guide our choices and actions – the very decisions that shape our lives and the course of our societies.

With this vision firmly in sight, my mission becomes clear:

“To develop the tools and systems that assist the management of countries – across government, civil society, and the private sector – in providing access to services and technologies, ensuring the maximum quality of life for all who live there.”

Once the vision and mission are defined, the path forward is to develop SMART objectives that bring this aspiration to fruition.




A Decade of Informatic Action: My Journey as a Citizen Informaticist

Looking back, it's evident that the principle of being a Citizen Informaticist has been the driving force behind much of my work over the past decade. Here are some key projects that embody this commitment:

  1. Future Namibia (Book): This work highlighted a crucial form of discrimination: not just race, culture, gender, or geography, but the insidious barrier of unequal access to services and technology. It underscored the importance of information in bridging these divides.

  2. Milton Louw Blogs: This platform has been instrumental in sharing my ideas on an empowered citizenry. It led to newspaper articles and television interviews, amplifying the message and reaching a broader audience.

  3. Government of Namibia Blog: As a comprehensive directory, this initiative aimed to demystify government operations. It provided:

    • Contact details for ministers and directors.
    • Vision, mission, and objectives of ministries.
    • Strategic plans and focus areas.
    • Explanations of work processes.
    • Recent press releases and articles about ministries.

My current major undertaking continues this journey: co-authoring ”THE ETHICAL WAY TO WIN ELECTIONS: The Essential Guide to Building a Successful Value-based Campaign.” This book aims to provide practical guidance for ensuring that political leadership is rooted in strong ethical principles and serves the best interests of citizens.


The concept of a Citizen Informaticist is more relevant than ever in our increasingly connected world. It's about leveraging the power of information for the collective good.

Would you join me in becoming a Citizen Informaticist in your own country, working to empower your community through better information flow?

The Foundation of My Happiness: A Journey of Acceptance



My ability to perceive life positively isn't just a fleeting feeling; it's a mental attitude I've cultivated with considerable time and energy. You could even say there was a significant financial investment, though not from my own pocket, in reaching this place of contentment.

From a very young age, I was subjected to constant scrutiny, always being "prodded and poked" to ensure my well-being. This became particularly noticeable after my mother's passing when I was just five years old. I was incredibly fortunate that, after her table-tennis accident, she had enough time the following day to speak with me in the ambulance before being transferred to a hospital with better facilities. My mother had always instilled in me the belief that "God's will be done" and that accepting His path would always lead me where I needed to be. In that ambulance, she reiterated this profound message: to "heed God's will" and "accept what you are given in life."

This teaching resonated deeply, especially when coupled with the powerful promise from Jeremiah 29:11: "For I know the plans I have for you," declares the LORD, "plans to prosper you and not to harm you, plans to give you hope and a future."

Throughout the years, I've navigated countless trials and tribulations—many of them, I admit, self-inflicted. Yet, this particular Bible verse remained a constant anchor, guiding me through every challenge.

And that, for me, is the essence of faith!


Implementing ICT Policy for the Benefit of Africans – A 2025 Perspective


This blog revisits my 2012 thoughts on ICT policy in Africa, originally shared in an application to the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) for the role of African ICT Policy Advocacy Coordinator. The issues are still urgent today—perhaps more than ever—as we move deeper into the digital age.


a) Why ICT Policy Still Demands Critical Attention in Africa


In 2025, the digital divide has become one of the most prominent forms of global inequality. While some African countries have made major strides—like Rwanda with its Smart Africa initiatives and Kenya’s digital economy push—many regions still lack basic access to reliable internet and digital infrastructure.


ICT policy isn’t just about internet connections. It’s about inclusion, education, governance, and innovation. It’s about ensuring that a farmer in rural Zambia, a student in Namibia, or a tech entrepreneur in Lagos all have equitable access to the digital tools needed to participate in the global economy.


In the same way that “Vorsprung durch Technik” implies progress through not just tools, but technique, Africa must focus on mastering digital skills alongside deploying infrastructure. This includes policy frameworks that nurture digital literacy, data privacy, access to AI and machine learning technologies, and inclusive e-governance.


b) Key Areas for Near-Future Intervention

  1. Digital Literacy at the Foundation Level: We must integrate coding, media literacy, and critical internet skills into early education across the continent. In 2025, knowing how to code or use AI tools is as important as knowing how to read or write.

  2. Decentralized Digital Infrastructure: Policies must support community-led internet initiatives like mesh networks and public access points, especially in under-served rural areas. An example is South Africa’s Zenzeleni Networks, a community-owned ISP.

  3. Youth-Led ICT Action Groups (IAGs): I renew my call for ICT Action Groups reporting to high levels of government—perhaps directly to parliament or a digital cabinet ministry. These should be staffed by digitally fluent youth, including gamers, app developers, and online content creators.

  4. AI and Data Governance: As generative AI tools (like ChatGPT or Sora) become more influential, African governments must build capacity to regulate AI ethics, protect data sovereignty, and support the use of local languages in AI development.

  5. Content Creation and Digital Sovereignty: Promote African content on platforms like YouTube, TikTok, and X (formerly Twitter). Nigeria’s AltSchool Africa and Kenya’s iHub show how local innovation ecosystems can thrive with the right support.

  6. National Open Data Platforms: Governments must open data sets to the public while ensuring privacy. Namibia’s planned National Digital Strategy is a step in this direction.


c) The Internet and Human Rights in 2025


Access to the internet is now widely recognized as a fundamental human right. The United Nations has reiterated this in numerous resolutions, including the 2021 UNHRC Resolution on the promotion, protection, and enjoyment of human rights on the internet.


Yet, millions in Africa remain excluded from these rights due to limited access or lack of digital education. We must rethink “the right to education” (as per Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights) to include digital literacy and access to ICT—as essential as libraries, housing, and water.


In 2025, “reading, writing, and arithmetic” must now include code, collaboration, and critical thinking online. It is imperative that governments commit to:


“Developing the digital tools and systems to support the inclusive management of our countries—government, civil society, and the private sector—in delivering access to services and technologies that enable a high quality of life for all residents.”


Examples of Today’s Political ICT Action Groups


Several movements and political initiatives today reflect the ideas I envisioned in 2012:

  • Kenya’s Ajira Digital Programme – Led by the Ministry of ICT to equip youth with digital skills for freelance jobs.

  • Rwanda’s YouthConnekt – A platform empowering young people through ICT innovation and leadership.

  • Smart Africa Alliance – A coalition of 39 African countries aiming to accelerate digital transformation across the continent, backed by heads of state.

  • Namibia’s Fourth Industrial Revolution Taskforce – Which advises the presidency on AI, robotics, and digital infrastructure.

  • DA’s Shadow Cabinet (South Africa) – Includes digital portfolios with a youth-oriented digital transformation strategy.


We are at a digital crossroads. With the right policies, Africa doesn’t need to play catch-up—it can lead.



“The Waters of Erongo” by Frederick Cornel translated by AI into Afrikaans



Noordoos van Swakopmund, naby die spoorlyn wat kopererts van Otavi af vervoer en waar die klein stasie Omaruru lê, styg ’n groep indrukwekkende tafelbergmassiewe uit die vlakte op. Destyds het hulle bekend gestaan as die Erongo-berge, vernoem na ’n bekende leier van die Ç‚Gãinîn-Boesmans wat jare gelede sy laaste stand teen die binnetrekkende Damara gemaak het – ’n stryd wat hy en sy mense uiteindelik verloor het.


Selfs in ’n land waar baie berge plat koppe het, staan die Erongo uit. Niemand het dit ooit reggekry om tot bo te klim nie. Van onder af kan jy die digte plantegroei sien wat die onbereikbare top bedek, en op verskeie plekke stort watervalle teen die steil kranse af – asof die berg trane stort vir die verlede.


Daardie berg het my nog altyd fassineer. In die ou dae, nog voor die spoorlyn, het ons ons trekdiere by dié strome laat drink. Ek het ’n paar keer probeer klim – net om uit te vind hoe dit daar bo lyk. Maar ek het nooit naby gekom nie. Die laaste duisend voet is amper reguit krans. Jy sal ’n professionele rotsklimmer moet wees.


Op een van my laaste reise uit Kaokoland het ek en my ou ossewa net onder Erongo kamp opgeslaan. Ek onthou dit goed – die son het die rotse eers goud, toe rooi, toe pers en uiteindelik koue grys laat skyn. My hart was rustig. Ek het geweet: huis is naby.


My kok was ’n ou Engelse man, Jim Blake, wat jare gelede van sy skip in Walvisbaai af ontsnap het. Hy het Namibië beter geken as meeste, maar sy dik Cockney-aksent het altyd gebly. Jim was ’n moeilike ou met ’n groot mond en een irriterende gewoonte – hy het altyd gesê: “Jy weet nie alles nie, al dink jy jy doen.”


Daardie aand toe die osse klaar gedrink het, het ons langs die vuur gesit. Jim het opgedaag – vars gewas vir die eerste keer in weke. Sy vel was amper blink.


“Mooi, né?” het hy gesê.


“Pragtig,” het ek geantwoord. “Dis seker die mooiste berg in Afrika. Ek wonder nog altyd wat daar bo is. Maar niemand het dit al ooit uitgeklim nie.”


Jim trek sy wenkbroue op. “Jy weet nie alles nie, baas. Ek wás al bo.”


Ek lag. “Rubbish, Jim.”


Maar hy hou voet by stuk. “Ek sweer. Ek was daar. En dis nie net rots daar bo nie. Dis ’n wêreld – met gras, bome, vrugte, vlinders… En die fontein. Die bron self.”


Toe vertel hy my die storie. Hoe hy jare gelede saam met ’n snaakse professor en twee prospekteerders hier gekamp het. Die professor was obsessief oor jeug. Hy het elke dag gebad, geëet volgens reëls en elke grys haar probeer wegsteek. En toe kry hy malaria. Vir ’n paar dae was hy uitgeput, ongeskeer en oud.


Maar toe hy die Erongo sien, het hy opgewonde geraak: “Dis dalk die plek! Die fontein van jeug!”


Elke dag het hy hoër gestap, al verder teen die stroom op. Tot hy eendag verdwyn. Jim het hom opgespoor by die groot waterval – en kon hom skaars herken. Die ou man het soos ’n jongman gelyk. Energiek, sterk, met ’n blink gesig en helder oë.


Die professor het daarop aangedring dat Jim saam bad. “Dis die Bron van Lewe!” het hy geskree. “Kom! Word jonk! Bly hier saam met my!”


Maar Jim het nie. “Geen bier. Geen tabak. Geen vrouens – net waternimfe wat jou bespied? Nee dankie.”


Die professor was woedend. Maar uiteindelik het hy belowe om Jim weer af te dra. “Jy sal spyt wees,” het hy gesê.


En hy is nooit weer gesien nie. Niemand het hom geglo nie – hulle het gerapporteer dat hy dood is. Maar Jim glo anders. “Kyk daai rook daar bo,” het hy gesê. “Dis hy. Jy dink jy weet alles – maar jy weet nie.”

Die Waters van Erongo



In die droë vlaktes van Namibië, waar die Erongo-berge soos ou wagte oor die land waak, het die mense lankal begin vergeet van die spesiale water wat eens hul dorpe laat blom het.

Die water was nie net nat nie – dit was wysheid, geregtigheid en hoop. Dit het gevloei uit die harte van leiers wat vir die mense omgegee het, nie net vir hulself nie.

Maar toe het iets verander.

Die pype is begin buig na plekke waar net ’n paar mense toegang gehad het. Die water is verkoop aan die hoogste bieër. Die fonteine het stil geword in die dorpe waar kinders gespeel het en oumas stories vertel het.

Die mense het dorstig geword – nie net na water nie, maar na waarheid, na eerlikheid, na hoop.

En toe kom daar ’n jong vrou. Nie van adel nie, nie van geld nie – maar met ’n stem wat helder soos ’n fontein klank.

Sy het gepraat van ’n nuwe bron – nie een van korrupsie en vrees nie, maar een van eenheid. Sy het mense gevra om saam te werk, om terug te vat wat regverdig hulne is: die Water van Erongo.

Nie almal het haar geglo nie. Sommige het gelag. Ander was bang. Maar die kinders het geluister. Die werkers het begin droom. En van die berge tot by die duine het die ou lied van die water weer begin fluister.


“Waar daar geregtigheid is, daar vloei die water.”


 

Die Onafhanklike Kandidaat en die Dier van Ongelykheid


In ’n land van wye vlaktes en droë winde, het die mense lank gesukkel onder ’n regering wat net vir ’n paar gewerk het. Die gewone mense het harder en harder gewerk, maar het min gesien vir hul moeite. Intussen het die rykes en magtiges elke dag meer gekry.


Toe, op ’n dag, het ’n nuwe stem begin praat – nie uit ’n paleis of ’n groot kantoor nie, maar uit die strate en markplekke. Hierdie stem het aan die mense gesê: “Ek is net soos julle. Ek verstaan julle pyn. Ek is ’n onafhanklike kandidaat, en ek is hier om ’n verskil te maak.”


Die dier van ongelykheid – ’n groot, vet en selfvoldane dier – het probeer lag. “Niemand het al ooit vir my gekeer nie,” het hy gesê. “Ek groei van die verdeeldheid tussen mense. Ek floreer as net ’n paar ryk word en die res niks kry nie.”


Maar die onafhanklike kandidaat het nie teruggestaan nie. Hy het nie met geld of beloftes gekom nie – net met eerlikheid en ’n plan wat almal kon verstaan. Hy het gepraat oor skole wat werk, hospitale wat sorg, en werk wat vir almal betekenis het.


Die mense het begin luister. Eers stil-stil, toe harder. Hulle het begin hoop.


En toe het iets gebeur. Die dier van ongelykheid het begin krimp. Met elke nuwe stem wat sê “ek kies anders,” het hy kleiner geword. Stadig, maar seker, het mense begin saamwerk om ’n nuwe toekoms te bou.


Die onafhanklike kandidaat het dalk nie al die antwoorde gehad nie, maar hy het die regte vraag gevra: “Wat as ons saam werk?”

“The Waters of Erongo” by Frederick Cornel translated by AI into Oshiwambo

Omeva Yomutumba gwaErongo (Modern Version)


Omuholike:

Otandi ku lombwele kombinga yomulonga ogwa li pombepo lyomutumba gwaErongo.

Taya lombwela ombepo yoondjokonona, yomayele, neenghono.


Omutumba gwa li na omeya ogu otaya lombwela oya na omayele gokulongifa shili – otaya pula omulilo momeya ngoka. Onda popya naKatjikuru Jim, omukwahepo gwa ko Swakopmund. Katjikuru Jim omu na iha ningi. Omu na omayele. Nando osho a lombwela:

“Ame iha shi shi oshi shi shi shi…ngele shi shi shi shi shi shi shi.”

Onda hala oku holoka, ndee Jim a hokolola:

“You don’t know everything… if you think you do.”



Katjikuru Jim ta lombwela oshinima shokusimbula. Ayehe, a pula kombinga yomulonga ogu ya li moKatutura konima yomutumba.

Omu na okashona kamwe. Omuprofesa. Omuhepa noyakadhila, omuntu ngoka ta lombwele:

“I must stay young. Clean living. Or… maybe something more.”


Okashona taya hala oku pula okukala omupyakadhi. Ta li oshipopiwa: ta lwala, ta pula okushongwa.

Taya ti: omeya ogu– omeya gomutumba gwaErongo – owa mu ponokela.

Mbo, a londa omeya ngoka. A tameka okukala ta paka momeya ngoka. Uupi. Oshishi.

Ta tameka oku tala ngaashi omupyakadhi. Oshimpwiyu shoka osha lilile moKatjikuru Jim.


Jim ta popi:

“Nande. Omu li iha ningi. Kapena omeya ogu owa li na oshipwepo.”

“Nope,” omuprofesa ta popi. “This is it. I’m young again. I’m immortal!”


Katjikuru Jim ta lombwela oshowo ngaashi a yandja koshilalo.

Ta ka fike po komutumba gwoshinima. Omeya ogu tava fimbwa ngaashi Fanta. Onda lombwele!

Omuprofesa ta ti:

“Come, Jim. Washepo. You’ll live forever.”


Jim ta li:

“Kandi hole. Kapena omeya ogu oku fa. Ngoka oshi li nokulongifa shili.”


Omuprofesa ha tamele po. Nande a vulu oku uvuwa. Omeya ogu okwa mu ka.

Jim ta puka. Ngoka a li nokulongifa shili.

Omwa li meho.

Omeya ogu owa li mo.

Nando… oya li mo?


“You don’t know everything… if you think you do.”

Namibian Rights. What about Namibian Responsibilities?

Updated 2025-02-12 17:45

Every year on the 9th of February, Namibia celebrates Constitution Day — a day to honour the supreme law that lays the foundation of our democratic state. It is a day to remind ourselves of the rights and freedoms enshrined in this living document — rights fought for, earned through struggle, and promised to all who call Namibia home.

But as the flags wave and the speeches echo with pride, I find myself wrestling with a question that grows louder each year:

Have we become a nation that celebrates rights more than we live out responsibilities?


Our Constitution guarantees us many things — dignity, freedom, equality, privacy, and protection. But for each right we hold, there is an equal and essential duty. Rights do not exist in a vacuum. They demand action, discipline, compassion, and above all, responsibility.

What follows is not just a reflection, but a reminder: if we want a better Namibia, we must stop thinking of citizenship as a set of entitlements — and start seeing it as a daily commitment to the common good.


What Does It Mean to Be a Good Citizen?

To be a good citizen is to live in such a way that your rights empower others, not just yourself. It means:

  • Recognising that your rights end where another person’s begin.

  • Thinking freely, but acting responsibly.

  • Creating value — for yourself, your family, and your community.

  • Understanding that financial independence is a form of national service:

    “To produce wealth by labour and only by labour, and to spend less than you have produced, so that your children are not dependent on the state when you are no more.”

  • Protecting the lives of others through safe, thoughtful actions — on the road, in your home, at work.

  • Taking care of your own health through good habits, and not becoming a burden through preventable illnesses.

  • Treating service workers with kindness and dignity.

  • Questioning working conditions, especially when we benefit from others’ labour.

  • Paying fair wages — whether to the person cleaning your office or the one tending your garden.

  • Rejecting all forms of discrimination — based on race, gender, religion, ethnicity, or social class.

  • Respecting other people’s property, privacy, and boundaries — both physical and digital.

  • Building strong families rooted in love, respect, and responsibility.

  • Honouring your parents, supporting your elders, and strengthening family ties.

  • Seeing every child as your own — protecting, educating, and listening to them.

  • Living as a role model — not by perfection, but by consistently striving to treat others well.

  • Providing your children with the financial and emotional support they need to reach their full potential.


Constitutional Rights — and the Responsibilities They Demand

Let’s walk through some key constitutional rights, and the civic duties they imply for each of us:

Article 6 – Protection of Life

Right: Every Namibian has the right to life.

Responsibility:

  • Avoid actions that threaten others — whether through violence, neglect, or reckless behaviour.

  • Speak out and act when life is in danger, even if it’s inconvenient.


Article 7 – Protection of Liberty

Right: We are all entitled to freedom and security.

Responsibility:

  • Never bully, intimidate, or falsely imprison others.

  • Resolve conflict through dialogue, not violence.


Article 8 – Respect for Human Dignity

Right: Every individual is born with inherent dignity.

Responsibility:

  • Treat every person — no matter their status — with respect, warmth, and kindness.


Article 9 – Slavery and Forced Labour

Right: No one shall be subjected to forced labour or human trafficking.

Responsibility:

  • Refuse to benefit from exploitative labour — in business or at home.

  • Promote ethical work conditions and fair compensation.


Article 10 – Equality and Freedom from Discrimination

Right: All Namibians are equal before the law.

Responsibility:

  • Actively reject all forms of discrimination.

  • Defend the dignity and rights of others — even if their struggle is not your own.


Article 13 – Privacy

Right: Every Namibian has the right to privacy.

Responsibility:

  • Respect others’ personal information, correspondence, and choices.

  • Avoid gossip, doxxing, or spreading private content without consent.


Article 14 – Family

Right: The family is the cornerstone of society.

Responsibility:

  • Build families that nurture, protect, and uplift each member.

  • Support not just biological family, but chosen community too.


Article 15 – Children’s Rights

Right: Children are entitled to special protection, education, and care.

Responsibility:

  • Ensure that no child is neglected, abused, or deprived of opportunity.

  • Raise children to understand their rights and their duties.


A Closing Thought: Citizenship as a Two-Way Street

Too often, we speak of the Constitution as something that protects us from others — from government, employers, even our neighbours. But we forget that it also calls us toward others — to act, build, and protect the fabric of this nation.


We cannot keep asking, “What am I owed?”

We must also ask, “What do I owe?”


The promise of Namibia depends not just on its laws, but on its people — people who see the beauty in their rights, and the power of their responsibilities.


If you’ve read this far, I invite you to reflect and respond. Let’s keep this conversation going.


Email me at miltonlouw@gmail.com — I’d love to hear your thoughts.


— Milton Louw


Would you like a version of this for social media or a design for a downloadable PDF to use in schools or workshops?

Culture, Racism, and Tribalism in Namibia: A Reflection

Namibia is a land defined by its diversity—and by its determined pursuit of peace and unity. Yet recent remarks about Genocide Day have reminded us that our journey toward full integration is far from over. Tribalism and racism still lurk beneath the surface, even in a country praised for its post-Independence reconciliation. Today, I want to reflect on culture, race, and identity in Namibia—not as academic concepts, but as lived realities that shape our nation.


A Nation of Survivors and Settlers

Most Namibian peoples arrived here under the shadow of hardship—fleeing war, colonization, or systemic oppression. They chose to settle in an arid and unforgiving landscape, forging not only communities but a collective identity grounded in coexistence. For generations, our people have fought not for domination, but for peace and dignity.

That spirit is enshrined in our Constitution, one of the most progressive in the world. The policy of national reconciliation wasn’t just a government initiative—it was an extension of how Namibians have always strived to live: side by side, with tolerance and mutual respect.


An “Institute of Integration”

In a world increasingly defined by social and ethnic conflict, Namibia stands out. Our society is not fractured by religion, language, or race in the way others are. Yes, we recognise our differences, but they do not govern policy or interpersonal relationships.

We should take pride in that. Namibia has the potential to become an “Institute of Integration”—a place where the world can come to learn about coexistence and interdependence, both with each other and with the land we share.


But Let’s Not Pretend Differences Don’t Exist

Yet there’s a dangerous trend I’ve noticed: we’ve gone so far in trying to eliminate tribalism and racism that we now refuse to acknowledge difference at all. Our national census omits data on cultural or tribal affiliation, as if ignoring diversity will somehow unify us. (This has changed with the latest Census in 2024, but figures of how people see themselves according to race are not yet out.)

But denial is not the same as unity. Even South Africa, with its painful legacy of apartheid, embraces the concept of a “rainbow nation.” Recognition of difference, not erasure, is what fosters inclusion.

Namibia outlawed discrimination based on gender, but we still collect gender data to inform policy and promote equity. Why not do the same with race and culture? How else can we monitor progress, identify gaps, and uplift marginalised communities—like the San people, whose cultural representation in education is vital?


The Risk of Cultural Erasure

Lack of cultural recognition has real consequences. Consider the East German children who returned to Namibia after Independence—alienated and disoriented. Or the children of war veterans and, increasingly, AIDS orphans, all seeking not just support, but cultural belonging.

What culture will these young people inherit? Namlish? Football chants? Biltong and braais? There is indeed a shared national culture, but it cannot exist without anchoring in the diverse cultural tapestries that make up Namibia.


Identity as a Tool, Not a Threat

In marketing, we learn that understanding your customer is key. We segment by age, income, gender—and yes, race or ethnicity. Why? Because people’s needs differ, and effective service delivery requires tailored solutions.

Namibia should take a similar approach. Our census must begin to measure the race and cultural identity of residents. Not to divide us, but to help us understand ourselves better. If we want inclusive development, we must be willing to ask hard questions and gather honest data.

Our universities must lead the way—conducting research into the racial, gender, and cultural inequalities that still shape livelihoods. We need to study urban and rural disparities, the dynamics of the informal economy, and the geography of poverty. Only then can we empower our people in a meaningful and equitable way.


The Path Forward

Our goal should never be to deny difference. It should be to understand it, celebrate it, and use that understanding to build a more just and cohesive society. Unity in Namibia cannot mean uniformity. It must mean mutual respect, recognition, and responsibility.

Namibia has come a long way, but true integration means asking: Who is being left behind? Who isn’t being seen? Only then can we fulfil the promise of our reconciliation—and offer the world a real lesson in peaceful coexistence.

I Am a Socio-Political Entrepreneur

Originally written: 2012-02-03, Updated for blog publication

Over the years, I’ve often found myself using a term that feels both accurate and aspirational: socio-political entrepreneur. It’s not a title you’ll see on business cards very often, and certainly not one that fits neatly into traditional categories. But for me, it represents a mindset — a strategy — for navigating complex systems while striving for long-term change.

At its core, being a socio-political entrepreneur means pursuing business objectives, not merely for profit, but as part of a broader vision that is deeply intertwined with political, legal, and societal frameworks. These frameworks aren’t just obstacles to be managed — they are part of the playing field that must be shaped, engaged with, and sometimes even redesigned.


The Dual Nature of Change

Socio-political entrepreneurship isn’t about quick wins. It’s about understanding that meaningful change happens at the intersection of public policy, societal values, and economic systems. Sometimes this change happens in plain sight — through visible projects, campaigns, or investments. Other times, it unfolds quietly, over years or decades, often misunderstood or underestimated.

Years ago, I came across an insightful blog post by PurpleSlog titled “Architects of the Future: The Socio-Political Entrepreneurship Style of 5GW”. It was part of a broader exploration into the concept of Fifth Generation Warfare (5GW) — a framework that examines how influence, ideas, and perception shape our world more powerfully than brute force ever could.

In this model, socio-political entrepreneurs are seen as “architects of the future.” They act openly, but their true intentions — their long-term vision — may remain obscured. Not out of deception, but because the scope and timescale of their goals stretch far beyond what most people are conditioned to look for.

As PurpleSlog writes:

“The S-P-E 5GWer acts out in the open (not in secret), but their true aims or expected/hoped-for consequences are closely held… or the effects are so broad/horizontal that the ramifications are overlooked by most.”

In other words, the socio-political entrepreneur plays the long game. Their tools are influence, networks, institutions, and sometimes even myth-making. Their stage is society itself.


Super-Empowered Individuals and Structures

PurpleSlog offers examples — not direct identifications, but metaphors — of what this kind of actor might look like: think of super-empowered individuals like Gates, Buffet, or Soros, or media figures like Gore and Michael Moore. These are people who use their access to capital, media, and ideas not just to make noise, but to move tectonic plates beneath the surface of society.


But it’s not just individuals. NGOs, think tanks, and even structures like the so-called “Military-Industrial-Sysadmin Complex” (MISC) can become platforms for socio-political entrepreneurship. These structures act both visibly and invisibly, influencing legal frameworks, public opinion, and global systems alike.


Why This Matters to Me

Why do I see myself this way? Because I believe entrepreneurship in today’s world cannot be divorced from the systems it operates within. I don’t seek influence for its own sake. I seek impact — real, measurable, transformative impact — that improves lives and strengthens societies. And I understand that to get there, one must engage with politics, law, media, culture, and economics all at once.

Maybe that sounds too grand or abstract for some. Perhaps it’s easier to dismiss such thinking as egotistical or overly ambitious. That’s fine. I’ve learned that not everyone will see the blueprint — especially when the foundation is still being poured.

But for those who do, and who recognise the need for long-term strategic vision in building a better world, I invite you to consider the socio-political entrepreneur not just as a title, but as a calling.


Further Reading:

  • PurpleSlog. Architects of the Future: The Socio-Political Entrepreneurship Style of 5GW. August 27, 2007. Read here

  • Dan Abbott. The Military-Industrial-Sysadmin Complex (MISC). Read here

From Boss to Game Changer: Why Management Coaching Is the Power-Up You Didn’t Know You Needed

 "Blog post based on the article “Management coaching: There’s method in the madness” by Craig Falck"

Let’s be honest: the word “management” doesn’t usually spark excitement. For some, it conjures images of endless meetings, tough decisions, and balancing too many tasks on too little time. But what if we flipped the script? What if management wasn’t a dreaded task, but a skill—something you could sharpen with the right training and mindset? That’s exactly where management coaching steps in.

Managers Aren’t Born—They’re Coached

Despite what the old myths might suggest, great managers are made, not born. They’re shaped through mentorship, training, and, increasingly, professional coaching. Management coaching is not just a global trend—it’s a transformative tool that helps leaders discover and amplify their strengths.

Think of it like sports. Even top athletes have coaches. Why? Because coaching pushes you to grow, to strategize, and to perform at your best. The same goes for managers. A coach helps refine your approach, sharpen your instincts, and bring clarity to your leadership style.

The Toolbox of a Modern Manager

Being a manager isn’t about having a fancy title or your name on an office door. It’s about leading with purpose. Today’s workplace demands more than just delegation—it asks for insight, communication, and the ability to inspire.

Through management coaching, leaders develop essential traits such as:

  • Effective communication: Say what you mean, and mean what you say.

  • Decisive decision-making: Learn when to act fast and when to pause.

  • Focus and drive: Keep your eye on the goal—even when challenges pile up.

  • Emotional intelligence: Handle office dynamics with empathy and discretion.

  • Strategic insight: Understand the bigger picture, and help others see it too.

These aren’t just nice-to-haves—they’re the core ingredients of successful leadership.

Madness or Method?

Despite its proven benefits, some still scoff at management coaching, calling it “madness” or a waste of time. But often, those critiques come from people who either believe they already know everything or haven’t been exposed to the power of structured learning.

Here’s the truth: Knowledge is power, and any opportunity to learn, grow, and lead better should be embraced. Whether you’re a seasoned executive or an aspiring leader, coaching offers a unique path to unlock your full potential.

Final Whistle: It’s Time to Step Up

If you’re ready to go from being just another manager to a game-winning leader, management coaching might just be your secret weapon. Don’t wait until you’re overwhelmed or outpaced—start now. Build the skills, master the mindset, and lead with confidence.


After all, the best leaders never stop learning. So, huddle up—your coaching session awaits.

Cry, the Beloved Namibia — 2025 Update on Tender Corruption and Public Trust

In a country once guided by ideals of unity, liberty, and justice, the spirit of shame and accountability seems to be fading. In its place, a culture of impunity has taken root — one where exposure leads not to introspection, but to indignation. When questioned about murky tenders or inflated deals, the common retorts are:

“You’re just jealous.”

“It’s not my fault you don’t want to be in business.”

Today, corruption is defended as empowerment, and criticism is framed as sabotage. But behind these justifications lies a growing crisis — one that threatens the integrity of Namibia’s democratic institutions.

A Season of Scandal

The 2024–2025 news cycle has been anything but quiet. In a time when the public is weary of hollow promises and unchecked power, several tender scandals have reignited national concern:

1. Electoral Tender Sparks Outrage

The Electoral Commission of Namibia (ECN) awarded a sensitive ballot printing contract to Ren-Form CC — a company tied to a N$570 million invoice inflation scandal in Zimbabwe. The Namibia Economic Freedom Fighters (NEFF) called for the tender to be cancelled, warning of the threat to free and fair elections.

“We must act now before it’s too late,” NEFF warned. (The Namibian)

2. Food Tender: N$6 Million More for Less

In another eyebrow-raising decision, the Ministry of Education awarded a N$44 million catering contract to a bidder whose offer was over N$6 million higher than a competitor. The losing bidder, Platinum Investments, is challenging the decision in court, citing blatant irregularities.

“How can this be justified during a time of budget constraints?” asked one education stakeholder. (Confidente Namibia)

3. Roads Tender Under the Microscope

The Roads Contractor Company is under investigation for awarding a N$1.5 million fuel tender to a company linked to a controversial businessman. Allegations point to overpayment and a suspicious lack of transparency in the procurement process. (The Namibian)

4. The Billion-Dollar Road to Epupa

The Roads Authority moved forward with a N$1 billion Opuwo-Epupa road project — allegedly without required approvals from the ministries of finance and transport. Observers claim the tender conditions were tailored to favour certain companies.

“This is a textbook example of how procedural gaps are exploited,” one procurement analyst noted. (AllAfrica)

5. Military Business in Civil Tenders

Job Amupanda exposed what he called blatant corruption in awarding a //Kharas Regional Council building tender to August 26 Construction, a company owned by the Ministry of Defence. The deal, critics say, undermines fair competition and civilian oversight. (New Era)

6. Local Businesses Shut Out Again

NamWater’s decision to award a N$237 million pipeline contract to a Chinese company — bypassing Namibian bidders — drew criticism from the Namibia Local Business Association.

“If locals can’t participate in building national infrastructure, who is this development really for?” asked a concerned business owner. (NAMPA)

Toward Reform: Can Technology Help?

Experts and anti-corruption agencies argue that the answer lies in digitalising procurement. E-procurement systems can introduce transparency, reduce human discretion, and minimise opportunities for corruption. The Anti-Corruption Commission and civil society continue to advocate for these reforms, but political will remains the missing ingredient. (Namibian Sun)

Cry, Beloved Namibia

The pattern is clear. Tenders that should foster development are instead breeding resentment. Public money is being used not to build a better Namibia, but to enrich the few.

But all is not lost. If we can turn this collective frustration into action — if we can hold our leaders accountable, and demand systems that serve all Namibians — then there is still hope.

As we look ahead to the 2025 elections and beyond, the time to act is now.

Cry, beloved Namibia. But let those tears be the seeds of change.

Namibia’s Journey: From Ancient Sands to Independent Nation

This overview breaks down Namibia’s rich and complex history into short, easy-to-read sections — from the earliest human settlements to the modern independent nation. Each period is explained in simple language to help readers understand how Namibia was shaped over time:

  • Namibia’s Pre-Historical Period (300,000 BC – 1485 AD)
  • The Age of Explorers, Hunters, and Traders (1486–1800)
  • Namibia’s Missionary Period (1800–1884)
  • The German Colonial Period (1884–1915)
  • The South African Administration Period (1915–1966)
  • The Namibian War of Liberation (1966–1989)
  • Namibia’s Independence and Nation-Building (1990–Present)



  

Namibia’s Pre-Historical Period (300,000 BC – 1485 AD)

Long before Namibia became a nation, it was home to some of the earliest humans on Earth. The story of this land begins not with cities or countries, but with hunter-gatherers who lived in harmony with nature for hundreds of thousands of years. This time is called the Pre-Historical Period, and it stretches from around 300,000 years ago until just before European explorers arrived in the late 1400s.

Ancient Footprints in Time

Archaeologists—people who study the past by digging up old tools and bones—have found stone tools and fossils that show humans lived in what is now Namibia for a very long time. These early people were not like us today. They didn’t have cars or electricity, but they were smart and knew how to survive. They hunted animals, gathered wild fruits and roots, and moved from place to place to find food and water.

In places like the Apollo-11 Cave in southern Namibia, scientists discovered some of the oldest known rock art in the world. These paintings and carvings on rocks show animals like giraffes and rhinos, and they may have been part of early religious or cultural traditions. The paintings are more than 25,000 years old! They tell us that even thousands of years ago, people were thinking, imagining, and creating art.

The San and the Khoe

The most well-known early inhabitants of Namibia were the San people, also called Bushmen. They lived in small groups and were experts in tracking animals and living off the land. They had a deep respect for nature, and their stories and traditions were passed down through oral storytelling, not books. These stories often explained how animals came to be or why certain stars shine in the sky.

Later, around 2,000 years ago, another group of people arrived: the Khoe. They were different from the San because they brought animals with them—goats and sheep—and knew how to grow crops. This was a big change. For the first time in Namibia’s history, people started to settle in one place, build homes, and form early villages. These groups traded with one another and sometimes fought over land and water, just as many people do in the world today.

Trade and Early Technology

During this long time, different communities began to share ideas and trade goods. Items like copper, seashells, and special stones were traded across long distances. People began using better tools made of iron, which they could heat and shape. This technology made hunting, farming, and building much easier.

There is evidence that these early Namibians had leaders, family rules, and special ceremonies to mark events like births, marriages, and deaths. They may not have built castles or cities, but they had rich and complex ways of living that matched the environment they were in.

The Land Before Borders

One important thing to remember is that there were no countries back then. People didn’t say “I am Namibian” or “I am from Windhoek,” because such places didn’t exist yet. Instead, they belonged to families, tribes, and groups that lived off the land and moved with the seasons. They used rivers, stars, and mountain ranges as their guides.

Even though they didn’t write down their stories, the rocks, tools, and paintings they left behind speak for them. These early Namibians were not just survivors—they were creators, thinkers, and explorers in their own right.

Why It Matters

Learning about the prehistoric period helps us understand where we come from. It shows that Namibia has always been a land of rich human life, long before colonial borders were drawn. The people of this era shaped the land and culture in ways that still matter today. Their connection to nature, to storytelling, and to one another is something we can still learn from.

 

The Age of Explorers, Hunters, and Traders (1486–1800)

As the sun rose over the Namib Desert and the Atlantic Ocean waves rolled onto the shore, new visitors from faraway lands began to appear on Namibia’s coast. The period between 1486 and 1800 was a time of great change and discovery. It was during this time that explorers, hunters, and traders—mostly from Europe—started to make contact with the people of Namibia. These new relationships would shape the future in big ways.

Portuguese Explorers: The First Arrivals

The first known Europeans to visit Namibia were Portuguese sailors. In 1486, Diogo Cão, an explorer sailing for Portugal, reached the mouth of the Kunene River. A few years later, another explorer, Bartolomeu Dias, rounded the southern tip of Africa and sailed along the Namibian coast. These explorers were not looking for Namibia specifically. Instead, they were trying to find a sea route to India to trade for spices.

They left behind stone crosses called padrões, marking their journey. But they didn’t stay for long. The dry, desert-like coastline of Namibia made it difficult for them to find fresh water and food. Still, their short visits were the beginning of European interest in the region.

The Power of Trade

While explorers came and went, it was traders and hunters who had a more lasting impact. European ships returned regularly to Namibia’s coast, especially to Walvis Bay and Lüderitz. They were interested in valuable resources like whale oil, ivory, copper, and animal skins. In return, they brought goods such as guns, beads, cloth, and alcohol.

This trade led to important changes in local communities. Some groups became wealthy through trading with the Europeans. They gained access to tools and weapons that changed how they hunted and fought. Others, however, became dependent on outside goods or were pushed into unfair trade agreements.

Hunters and Missionaries

As more European traders came to Namibia, professional hunters began to follow. These men hunted elephants, rhinos, and other large animals for their ivory and skins. They often hunted without considering how it affected nature or local traditions. Over time, this led to a decline in animal populations.

At the same time, missionaries from Europe started visiting parts of Namibia, especially in the late 1700s. They hoped to spread Christianity and often brought schools and medical care with them. However, they also tried to change local customs, which created both cooperation and tension with local communities.

Cultural Exchange and Conflict

During this era, the people of Namibia—such as the Nama, Herero, Damara, and San—had different experiences with the newcomers. Some welcomed the new goods and technology. Others were cautious or hostile, especially when Europeans ignored local customs or acted unfairly.

Many conflicts broke out over land, resources, and control of trade routes. This was not yet a time of colonisation, but it was a time of growing foreign influence. Local leaders had to make difficult decisions about how to protect their people and way of life while dealing with powerful outsiders.

The Beginning of Global Connections

Even though Namibia’s inland areas remained mostly untouched by Europeans during this time, the seeds of change were already planted. This period connected Namibia to the larger world in new ways. Goods, ideas, and people now moved across oceans, creating a web of relationships that would only grow stronger in the centuries ahead.

These early connections weren’t always equal or fair, but they taught local communities about the wider world and prepared them for future challenges. For better or worse, Namibia had entered a new chapter of its history—one where exploration, trade, and cultural contact would lead to even more change.

Looking Ahead

The Age of Explorers, Hunters, and Traders was just the beginning. The next period—the Missionary Era—would see Europeans take a deeper interest in Namibian life. Schools, churches, and new belief systems would arrive, bringing both hope and disruption. But for now, Namibia’s people stood at a crossroads, facing a world that was growing smaller and more connected by the day.

 

Namibia’s Missionary Period (1800–1884)

By the early 1800s, Namibia was still a land of strong traditions, independent communities, and vast open spaces. But change was coming—this time not just from explorers or traders, but from people who came with a different mission: to spread their religion and way of life. These people were called missionaries, and the time they arrived in Namibia is known as the Missionary Period.

Who Were the Missionaries?

Missionaries were mostly men (and sometimes their families) who came from Europe, especially from countries like Germany, Britain, and Finland. Their goal was to teach Christianity and convert local people to their faith. They believed they were bringing education, truth, and salvation. Some of the first missionaries came from the London Missionary Society and the Rhenish Mission Society from Germany.

They didn’t just come to preach; they also brought schools, books, new farming tools, and medical help. Many learned to speak local languages, wrote them down, and even translated the Bible so that more people could read it.

First Missions and Settlements

One of the earliest and most famous mission stations was Warmbad, established in the early 1800s in southern Namibia. Soon after, more missions spread to places like Otjimbingwe, Rehoboth, Omaruru, and Okahandja. These became centres of religion, learning, and even trade.

Many local people were curious about the missionaries. Some attended church services, enrolled in schools, or accepted help in farming or building homes. Missionaries introduced new crops, such as wheat and vegetables, and taught new building styles, including houses made with bricks instead of mud and sticks.

Education and the Written Word

Before missionaries arrived, most Namibian cultures shared knowledge through oral storytelling, passing down traditions from one generation to the next. But missionaries brought books and writing. They created the first alphabets for African languages, especially Otjiherero, Nama, and Oshiwambo, and helped people learn to read and write in their own tongues.

For many children, missionary schools were their first experience of formal education. They learned reading, writing, mathematics, and Christian teachings. For some communities, this was a positive step toward education and self-improvement. But it also came with changes to traditional customs and ways of life.

Challenges and Clashes

While some missionaries respected local cultures, others believed that African traditions were wrong or “uncivilised.” They tried to stop people from practising traditional religions, singing ancestral songs, or following cultural customs like wearing traditional clothing or consulting spiritual healers.

This caused tension. Some chiefs and elders resisted the changes, worried that their authority would be weakened. Others worked with the missionaries, hoping the new tools and ideas would help their people thrive. These different views sometimes led to disagreements and divisions within communities.

In addition, European missionaries were not just religious teachers—they often became political influencers. They advised local leaders, helped settle disputes, and even reported local issues back to their home countries. This opened the door for increased European interest in ruling Namibia, which would soon turn into colonial control.

Seeds of Colonisation

Though the missionaries didn’t arrive as conquerors, their presence prepared the ground for future colonisation. By building mission stations, learning local politics, and setting up European-style schools and churches, they created a strong European influence over local life.

German missionaries especially played a key role. By the 1880s, the German government saw Namibia as a land full of potential. It began taking steps to claim the territory officially—a period that would soon be known as the German Colonial Era.

A Period of Mixed Feelings

The Missionary Period left behind a complicated legacy. On one hand, it brought reading, writing, health care, and new technologies. Many Namibians today still practice Christianity and trace their faith back to these early missions. But on the other hand, it led to the loss of some traditional practices and helped pave the way for foreign control.

Even so, Namibians during this time showed great strength. They made choices for their communities, learned new skills, and found ways to mix old and new beliefs. Their wisdom helped Namibia move through this time of great change, and prepared them for the challenges still to come.

 

The German Colonial Period (1884–1915)

In 1884, something very big changed for Namibia. Without asking the people who lived there, the German Empire in Europe decided to take control of the land. They called it German South West Africa. This was the beginning of a colonial period that would bring hardship, resistance, and some of the most painful events in Namibia’s history.

Why Germany Came to Namibia

In the late 1800s, powerful European countries were scrambling to take over parts of Africa. This race was called the “Scramble for Africa”, and it happened during the Berlin Conference in 1884. Germany wanted colonies to show its power and to use African land and resources for business and farming.

Namibia seemed like a good choice. It had valuable land, minerals, and a long coastline. The German government sent officials and soldiers, and soon began setting up towns, farms, railways, and government buildings.

Taking Land and Power

The Germans did not come to share—they came to take control. They made unfair treaties with local chiefs or forced them to give up land. Huge areas were taken for German settlers. They created “native reserves”, pushing Namibians onto small pieces of land while Germans farmed the best areas.

Namibians had to work on German farms, often under very harsh conditions. They were forced to pay taxes and follow foreign laws. Germans even gave new names to towns and places, such as Windhoek, Swakopmund, and Lüderitz.

Resistance and Rebellion

Namibians did not accept this treatment quietly. Two major ethnic groups, the Herero and the Nama, decided to fight back.

In 1904, the Herero, under their leader Samuel Maharero, launched a rebellion. They attacked German farms and military posts. At first, they had some success. But the Germans quickly struck back. A German general named Lothar von Trotha gave an order that would become infamous. He told his troops to kill all Herero men and chase women and children into the desert, where many died of thirst and hunger.

Later, the Nama, led by Hendrik Witbooi and others, also rose up. They too, were met with brutal violence.

A Dark Chapter: Genocide

Between 1904 and 1908, more than 80% of the Herero people and about 50% of the Nama population were killed. This was not just war—it was genocide, the planned destruction of a people. Survivors were sent to concentration camps, such as the one on Shark Island near Lüderitz, where they were forced to work in terrible conditions. Many died from starvation, disease, and abuse.

This was one of the first genocides of the 20th century and left deep scars that Namibians still remember today.

Life Under German Rule

For those who survived, life was very hard. Namibians were treated as second-class citizens. They couldn’t vote, couldn’t own good land, and had few rights. German settlers built railways, schools, and churches, but mostly for themselves.

Even though there were schools, Namibians were only given basic education, just enough to serve as workers. Many traditional practices were banned, and German culture was forced upon the people.

The End of German Rule

World War I (1914–1918) brought the German colonial period to an end. In 1915, during the war, soldiers from South Africa, which was under British rule, invaded Namibia and took control. The German government surrendered the colony, and Namibia became a territory ruled by South Africa instead.

Although the German era ended, its effects remained. The land taken by German settlers wasn’t returned, and many Namibians still lived in poverty. But the spirit of resistance remained strong.

Remembering the Past

Today, Namibia remembers this time with sadness but also with pride in the heroes who stood up for justice. Leaders like Maharero, Witbooi, and Jakob Marengo are honoured for their courage. The country continues to ask Germany for apologies and reparations for the genocide.

This chapter of Namibian history is not just about pain—it’s about the strength of a people who refused to be broken.

 

The South African Administration Period (1915–1966)

From 1915 to 1966, Namibia was no longer under German rule, but freedom was still far away. Instead, a new power took control: South Africa, then a colony of the British Empire. The South African government brought new laws, new leaders, and a system that treated people unfairly based on their skin colour. This period was full of hardship, but also full of resistance. It was the time when Namibians began organising for their independence.

How South Africa Took Control

During World War I, Germany was fighting against countries like Britain and its allies. Since South Africa was under British influence, it sent soldiers to take over German South West Africa. In 1915, German rule officially ended when the colony was surrendered to South African forces.

After the war, the League of Nations (an early version of the United Nations) gave South Africa a “mandate” to look after Namibia. This meant South Africa was supposed to help Namibia develop until it was ready to govern itself. But South Africa had other plans, it treated Namibia like a fifth province of its own country and introduced its harsh policies there.

A New Name and Old Problems

The country was renamed again to South West Africa, and German settlers were allowed to stay. Many kept their land and businesses, while most Namibians remained landless and poor. South Africa continued the system of racial separation, but now it was even worse. They introduced apartheid, a system that divided people by race and gave almost all power to the white minority.

Apartheid meant:

Black Namibians couldn’t vote or take part in government.

People were forced to live in poor, crowded areas called “locations” or “reserves”.

Good jobs, schools, and hospitals were only for white people.

Marriages between races were banned.

Movement was controlled with passbooks, and people needed permission to travel.

These unfair laws made life very difficult for most Namibians.

Resistance Grows

Although life was tough, Namibians didn’t stay silent. In towns and villages across the country, people began to talk about freedom and justice. In the 1920s and 1930s, workers and church leaders started organising meetings. They spoke out against forced labour and bad living conditions.

A few educated Namibians, such as Sam Nujoma, Hosea Kutako, and Theophilus Hamutumbangela, began writing letters and petitions to the United Nations (which replaced the League of Nations). They demanded that Namibia not be ruled by South Africa any longer.

In 1959, a major protest happened in Windhoek’s Old Location, where people were being forced to move to a new area called Katutura. The protest turned violent when South African police opened fire and killed at least 11 people. This event shook the country and made many young Namibians realise that peaceful protests alone might not bring change.

The Birth of SWAPO

In 1960, a new political group was born: the South West Africa People’s Organisation, or SWAPO. Led by Sam Nujoma, SWAPO wanted full independence for Namibia. They believed that South Africa would never give up control willingly. So, they decided to fight back.

In 1966, SWAPO launched an armed struggle to free Namibia. Fighters, often called freedom fighters, were trained in nearby countries like Angola and Zambia. They crossed into Namibia in small groups, attacking South African forces and then disappearing into the bush. The first battle took place at Omugulugwombashe in northern Namibia. This marked the start of the Namibian War of Independence.

The Role of the United Nations

By the 1960s, the world was changing. Many African countries had already won their independence. The United Nations also began to speak out more strongly against colonialism. In 1966, the UN officially revoked South Africa’s mandate to rule Namibia and said South Africa was illegally occupying the country. But South Africa ignored this, and its rule continued.

Even though the UN supported Namibia’s independence, it had no power to force South Africa out. That meant the struggle for freedom had to continue both with guns and with words—on the battlefield and in the world’s courts and councils.

Daily Life Under Apartheid

For many Namibians, daily life under South African rule was filled with struggle. Families were broken apart as men were forced to work in mines or farms far away. Education was limited, especially for Black children. People could be arrested or beaten for speaking out against the government or breaking apartheid rules.

But there were also strong communities, secret meetings, brave teachers, and determined leaders. Churches and students played big roles in spreading the message of freedom. Many Namibians believed that one day, their children would live in a free country.

Preparing for Independence

By the end of this period in 1966, Namibia was no longer just a colony—it was a nation fighting for its life. The South African Administration had taken the land, tried to erase culture, and punished those who resisted. But the spirit of the people stayed strong.

SWAPO’s armed struggle, supported by international allies and the growing pressure from the United Nations, would continue for many years. Namibia’s road to freedom was not over, but the foundations had been laid. A generation of freedom fighters, politicians, and ordinary citizens had risen with a clear message:

Namibia will be free.

 

The Namibian War of Liberation (1966–1989)

Namibia’s journey to freedom was long and painful. Between 1966 and 1989, the country fought one of Africa’s longest and hardest struggles for independence. This was called the Namibian War of Liberation—a time when brave men and women risked everything to free their country from South African rule. It was not just a war of guns—it was a war of hope, courage, and unity.

The Battle Begins

In 1966, after years of protests and petitions had been ignored, the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) decided to take a new path: armed resistance. On August 26, 1966, the first battle took place at a village called Omugulugwombashe in northern Namibia. SWAPO fighters were attacked by South African soldiers, marking the official start of the war.

Namibians were tired of apartheid, land grabbing, and living without rights. The war became a symbol of the fight for freedom, justice, and dignity.

Who Were the Fighters?

The fighters of SWAPO were called the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN). Many of them were young, from all over the country. They left their homes, crossed into countries like Angola and Zambia, and trained in camps far from their families. These fighters had very little: no tanks, no planes, and often very few weapons. But they had determination.

Some worked secretly inside Namibia as teachers, workers, or students by day, and messengers, organisers, or helpers by night. Others carried out guerrilla warfare, using surprise attacks on South African forces and disappearing into the bush.

The South African army was powerful and had help from other white-ruled countries like Portugal (which controlled Angola until 1975). But the Namibian fighters were not alone either.

Help from Around the World

Namibia’s struggle gained international support. Many countries in Africa, including Angola, Zambia, Tanzania, and Algeria, gave SWAPO fighters places to train and rest. After Angola gained independence in 1975, it became a main base for SWAPO’s military operations.

Around the world, especially in the United Nations, many nations supported Namibia. They demanded that South Africa leave and that the Namibian people be allowed to choose their own leaders. The world was slowly turning against apartheid and colonialism.

The United Nations even created a special group called the United Nations Council for Namibia, which helped represent the country internationally, even though Namibia wasn’t free yet.

Life During the War

The war affected everyone in Namibia, not just the fighters. In the north, where most battles took place, villages were often bombed or raided. Families were separated as people fled to safer areas or joined the struggle. Some Namibians were arrested, tortured, or forced to work for the South African military.

Children grew up in fear of soldiers and landmines. Schools were shut down in some areas, and many people lost their homes or livestock.

But despite the suffering, people stayed strong. Churches, teachers, nurses, and elders played a key role in keeping communities together. Some religious leaders, like Bishop Leonard Auala and Pastor Paulus Kapia, spoke out boldly against apartheid and were arrested for their actions.

The Role of Women

Women were also a big part of the liberation struggle. Some were fighters, some were spies, some were cooks, and many were mothers who supported the fighters in silence. Others joined the political movement, organising meetings and raising awareness. People like Kahamba Kandola, Pendukeni Iivula-Ithana, and Lucia Hamutenya became powerful voices in the freedom struggle.

Women faced special hardships—caring for families during war while also standing up against injustice. But they never gave up.

South Africa’s Tactics

To try and stop the war, South Africa used both military force and political tricks. They set up puppet governments in Namibia, made fake elections, and created the Turnhalle Conference, where only selected leaders were allowed to participate.

They also built a strong army presence in the north, used informers, and even tried to convince people that SWAPO was dangerous. But most Namibians knew the truth: they wanted real freedom, not fake governments controlled from Pretoria.

In the 1980s, South Africa’s war in Angola and its rule over Namibia became more expensive and unpopular. Many South African soldiers didn’t want to fight anymore. International pressure was growing.

The Path to Peace

By the late 1980s, the world had changed. The Cold War (a global struggle between the USA and the Soviet Union) was coming to an end. Countries like Cuba, which had helped Angola fight South Africa, agreed to withdraw troops. South Africa agreed to leave Angola—and, most importantly, to allow Namibia’s independence.

In 1988, a peace agreement was signed between Angola, Cuba, South Africa, and the United Nations. It was agreed that free and fair elections would be held in Namibia under UN supervision.

The long war was nearly over.

A Nation Reborn

In 1989, the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) arrived in Namibia to help prepare for elections. SWAPO returned from exile. For the first time ever, Namibians from every background got to vote freely. The people chose Sam Nujoma and SWAPO to lead the country.

Namibia had finally achieved what it had fought for: freedom and independence.

A Legacy of Strength

The War of Liberation is not just a story of war—it’s a story of bravery, hope, and the power of unity. Thousands of Namibians gave their lives for the dream of a free nation. They were young, old, men, women, students, and workers. Today, Namibia honours them every year, especially on Heroes Day, August 26—the day it all began at Omugulugwombashe.

The price of freedom was high. But thanks to those who never gave up, Namibia stands tall today—a free and proud nation.

 

Namibia’s Independence and Nation-Building (1990–Present)

On March 21, 1990, Namibia celebrated its independence, marking the end of over a century of colonial rule, first by Germany and then by apartheid South Africa. This historic day was filled with hope and determination as Namibians embarked on building a new nation based on unity, freedom, and justice. 

 A New Beginning

The independence ceremony took place at the National Stadium in Windhoek. As the South African flag was lowered and Namibia’s new flag was raised, Sam Nujoma, leader of the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO), was sworn in as the country’s first president. The event was attended by dignitaries from around the world, including Nelson Mandela, who had been released from prison just a month earlier. 

Namibia’s new constitution, adopted in February 1990, emphasised democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. It established a multi-party system, an independent judiciary, and protections for freedom of speech and equality. 

National Reconciliation

President Nujoma promoted a policy of national reconciliation, encouraging all Namibians, regardless of their past affiliations, to work together in building the nation. This approach helped to foster unity and stability in the early years of independence. 

Democratic Governance

Since its independence, Namibia has maintained a stable democratic system. SWAPO has remained the dominant political party, winning every election since 1990. In 2005, Hifikepunye Pohamba succeeded Nujoma as president, followed by Hage Geingob in 2015. After President Geingob’s passing in February 2024, Vice-President Nangolo Mbumba assumed the presidency. In March 2025, Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah was sworn in as Namibia’s first female president, marking a significant milestone in the country’s history. 

Economic Development

Namibia has made notable progress in economic development since its independence. The country has leveraged its rich natural resources, including diamonds, uranium, and fisheries, to drive growth. Efforts to diversify the economy have included investments in tourism and renewable energy. However, challenges such as unemployment and income inequality persist. 

Social Progress

Significant strides have been made in improving access to education and healthcare. The government has invested in building schools and clinics, particularly in rural areas, and has implemented policies aimed at reducing poverty and improving living standards. Despite these efforts, disparities remain, and continued focus on social development is essential.

International Relations

Namibia has established itself as a respected member of the international community. The country is an active participant in regional organisations such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU). Namibia has also contributed to peacekeeping missions and has been recognised for its commitment to environmental conservation. 

Challenges and Resilience

While Namibia has achieved much since its independence, it continues to face challenges. Issues such as land reform, youth unemployment, and the need for economic diversification require ongoing attention. Nevertheless, the country’s strong institutions and commitment to democratic principles provide a solid foundation for addressing these challenges.

Namibia’s journey since 1990 is a testament to the resilience and determination of its people. From the struggles of the past, the nation has emerged as a beacon of hope and progress in Africa. As Namibia continues to build on its achievements, the spirit of unity and perseverance remains at the heart of its national identity.


 

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